General News
When Dead SIMs Died: How the NCC clean-up made Nigerian telecoms more honest
There are moments in the life of an industry when progress does not look like growth. It looks like a subtraction. It looks like pain. It looks like a sudden fall in numbers that once gave comfort to executives, investors, regulators, advertisers and the public.
That is what happened to Nigeria’s telecommunications sector after the Nigerian Communications Commission’s customer data clean-up and the implementation of the NIN-SIM linkage exercise.
Millions of mobile subscriptions disappeared from the industry’s active subscriber records. The headline was dramatic. The reactions were predictable. Some saw it as a collapse. Some saw it as punishment. Some interpreted it as weakness by affected operators. And because Globacom was the most visibly affected of the major mobile network operators, Glo became the easiest company to discuss.
But the bigger story is not only about Glo.
It is about the Nigerian telecoms industry finally moving from inflated comfort to cleaner truth. It is about MTN, Airtel, Glo and 9mobile all being forced to confront the same hard question: who exactly is an active telecom customer? Is it a SIM card printed, registered, distributed and sitting somewhere in a drawer? Is it a line that once made calls but has since gone silent? Is it a number in a database with no recent revenue-generating activity? Or is it a real, verified, reachable and commercially active customer?
This distinction matters because telecoms is no longer just about calls and SMS. Telecom identity now sits at the centre of banking alerts, digital payments, fraud investigation, social media accounts, emergency communication, mobile money, national security, customer verification, credit scoring and government planning (p. 1). In that kind of economy, a telecom subscriber database cannot be treated like a trophy cabinet (p. 1). It is national infrastructure.
That is why the clean-up was necessary.
Every maturing industry eventually goes through this type of correction. Banks clean up dormant accounts. Fintechs separate registered wallets from funded and transacting wallets. Media platforms distinguish between sign-ups, monthly active users and paying subscribers. E-commerce companies learn that app downloads are not the same as orders. Telecoms could not remain permanently immune from that discipline.
For many years, subscriber count was the loudest bragging right in Nigerian telecoms. The operator with the biggest number could claim scale, relevance and market strength. Subscriber leadership shaped headlines. It influenced public perception. It entered boardroom conversations. But the clean-up reminded the industry that not every number is equal. A verified and active customer is worth more than a dormant SIM. A smaller clean base may be more valuable than a larger contaminated one.
This was good for the entire industry.
For MTN, the clean-up reinforced the strength of a base that was already highly active and commercially deep. Its decline during the major correction was comparatively modest, which suggested that a large portion of its customer base was already aligned with the regulator’s active-subscriber definition. For MTN, the exercise was not painless, but it was validating. It confirmed the resilience of its core subscriber base and strengthened the credibility of its market leadership.
For Airtel, the correction was also useful. Airtel experienced a more visible reduction than MTN, but not a collapse. That tells a different story. It suggests that Airtel, like every mass-market operator, had to absorb the consequences of NIN-SIM enforcement and active-line validation. But it also emerged with a cleaner base and a stronger platform for data-led growth. In a market where data consumption, digital services, mobile money and enterprise connectivity are becoming more important than simple SIM distribution, a cleaner base gives Airtel more reliable intelligence for pricing, segmentation and product design.
For 9mobile, the story was more painful. Its reduction was severe, and it came on top of years of commercial and operational pressure. But even for 9mobile, the clean-up may be better understood as a forced reset rather than only a decline. A struggling operator does not benefit from carrying illusions. If the base is weak, the numbers should say so. If customers are inactive, the market should know. If the business needs recapitalisation, network renewal, repositioning or strategic rescue, clean data makes that diagnosis more honest. Painful truth is better than comforting fiction.
Then there is Globacom.
Glo’s reported reduction was the most dramatic, and because of that, it deserves the most careful interpretation. The temptation is to say that Glo “lost” tens of millions of customers. But that language may be misleading. If a line has no revenue-generating activity within the regulatory window, removing it from the active subscriber count is not the same as losing a paying customer. It is closer to removing inactive stock from a warehouse. The warehouse looks smaller after the clean-up, but the useful inventory may remain largely intact.
A telecom operator does not make money from a SIM that is not used. It does not fund network expansion from a line that generates no activity. It does not improve customer experience by pretending that dormant records are active citizens. It does not build a digital future on numbers that cannot be commercially engaged. Therefore, Glo’s headline reduction may have been more of a statistical shock than a revenue shock.
This is an important distinction.
Losing active customers is a business problem. Losing inactive records is a data correction. Losing market trust is dangerous. But gaining a clearer view of your true customer base can become a strategic advantage if handled intelligently.
For Glo, the clean-up may have provided exactly that: a clearer map. Before the correction, the company’s large subscriber number told one story. After the correction, the remaining base tells a more useful story. It shows the customers who are still active, still reachable, still capable of being served, upgraded, retained and monetised. That is the base on which a serious future can be built.
It allows the operator to ask sharper questions. Who are our real customers? Where are they? What do they use? What do they value? What can we sell to them? What service gaps are causing churn? Which customers are voice-first? Which are data-ready? Which are students? Which are traders? Which are rural? Which are urban? Which are low-income but loyal? Which are high-value but underserved?
This is how a painful regulatory exercise can become strategic clarity.
Globacom’s history makes this even more interesting. Glo has never been just another telecom operator (p. 3). It entered the Nigerian market with a disruptive spirit. It helped democratise telecom pricing. It gave Nigerians a stronger sense that access to communication did not have to be reserved for the privileged. Its early challenge to established pricing structures shaped public expectations. Later, with investments such as Glo-1, the company demonstrated that a Nigerian-owned telecom operator could participate in deep digital infrastructure, not merely retail SIM sales.
That history matters because it suggests that Glo’s value cannot be measured only by a subscriber ranking table. Glo has always represented something larger: affordability, competition, indigenous ambition and mass-market access.
This is why the post-clean-up conversation should be more generous. Being the most affected by a data correction is not necessarily the same as being the most damaged by it. Sometimes the operator with the widest mass-market footprint carries the greatest exposure to irregular usage, multi-SIM behaviour, dormant lines and incomplete identity journeys. Sometimes the company that served the broadest base must absorb the sharpest statistical correction when definitions become stricter. That is not a reason to celebrate the fall. But it is a reason to interpret it carefully.
The clean-up also created benefits that cut across all operators.
First, it improved regulatory credibility. Nigeria now has a more realistic view of active telecom participation. That matters for policy, investment, national broadband planning, infrastructure deployment, emergency response, digital identity and financial inclusion.
Second, it improved commercial discipline. Operators can no longer hide behind inflated totals. MTN, Airtel, Glo and 9mobile must now compete around active usage, data quality, service experience, customer retention, infrastructure strength and innovation. That is better for consumers.
Third, it strengthened national security and digital trust. SIM cards linked to unverifiable or inactive identities create risks. Cleaner subscriber records help reduce fraud, improve traceability and support lawful investigations. In a country battling identity fraud, cybercrime and financial scams, this is not a minor benefit.
This is why the clean-up should not be seen as a punishment of the industry. It should be seen as preparation for the next phase of the industry.
For MTN, it confirms the depth of its active base and strengthens the credibility of its leadership. For Airtel, it provides a cleaner foundation for continued data and digital-service expansion. For 9mobile, painful as it is, it reveals the scale of the turnaround required and removes the comfort of unclear numbers. For Glo, it creates perhaps the most dramatic opportunity of all: to move from the old battle for subscriber-count prestige to a new battle for verified value.
The question now is what Glo does with this moment.
If Glo merely tries to recover old numbers for the sake of optics, it may miss the opportunity. But if it uses the clean-up to rebuild around real users, improve network quality, deepen data adoption, simplify reactivation, strengthen youth and mass-market engagement, and reposition itself as the operator of inclusive digital value, the exercise may one day be seen as a strategic reset.
A smaller honest base can be powerful. It is easier to understand. Easier to serve. Easier to upgrade. Easier to monetise. Easier to protect. Easier to build around. In an industry moving into 5G, fibre, cloud connectivity, streaming, digital financial services, artificial intelligence and enterprise solutions, truth is more useful than exaggeration.
Nigeria should welcome that.
The NCC clean-up did not mean Nigerians stopped needing telecoms. It meant the industry had to stop counting uncertainty as activity. It did not mean every affected operator had failed. It meant the market was being forced into a cleaner era. It did not mean Glo had lost its future. It may mean Glo now has a clearer view of where its real future lies.
The public may remember the dramatic fall in numbers. But the industry should remember the deeper lesson: clean data is not an enemy of growth. It is the foundation of sustainable growth.
In the end, the NCC exercise was not merely a clean-up of SIM cards. It was a clean-up of assumptions.
And for MTN, Airtel, Glo, 9mobile, the regulator, the government, investors and consumers, that is a good thing.
For Globacom especially, the story may be even more profound. The company may have lost a headline position, but it may also have gained a strategic mirror. What it sees in that mirror — and what it chooses to build next — may determine whether this moment is remembered as a fall or as the beginning of a smarter, cleaner and more valuable Glo.
General News
Nigeria Alcohol Policy 2026–2030: For Healthier People, Safer Communities, more Responsible Industry
By Nick Ibe
The aim for launching the Nigeria Alcohol Policy and its Multisectoral Implementation Plan (2026–2030), has been explained by the Federal government. Among others, it is aimed at reducing the health, social and economic consequences associated with harmful alcohol consumption in the country.
Broadly, the five-year plan has a national framework for the production, distribution, marketing and consumption of alcohol, all promoting responsible practices across the industry.
Unveiling this policy in Abuja on Thursday was the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Muhammad Ali Pate, who was represented at the event by the ministry’s Permanent Secretary, Daju Kachollom.
Pate said although the alcohol industry contributes to the economy through manufacturing, employment and agriculture, abuse of alcohol has consequences that go beyond the health sector.
He listed some of the consequences as reduced productivity, violence, injuries, mental health challenges and financial hardship, among others. In his words:
“Alcohol is part of that economic reality. It supports manufacturing, employment, agriculture and domestic value chains, while ethanol also has important pharmaceutical, laboratory and industrial uses.
“We must also confront the other side of that reality. Harmful alcohol use contributes to disease, injuries, violence, mental health challenges, financial hardship and loss of productivity.”
He said the policy was also aligned with Nigeria’s national, continental and global commitments to reducing the harmful use of alcohol.
He cited the African Union’s Agenda 2063, the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goals 3, 8, 9 and 11, as well as relevant World Health Organisation frameworks on reducing alcohol-related harm.
Pate said WHO data showed that total alcohol consumption in Nigeria stood at 3.2 litres of pure alcohol per person aged 15 years and above in 2024.
He also linked alcohol consumption to road traffic crashes, noting that the Federal Road Safety Corps recorded 9,570 crashes and 5,421 deaths nationwide in 2024, with driving under the influence of alcohol identified as one of the contributing factors.
On implementation, Pate said the government would monitor compliance across the alcohol value chain, the level of illicit and unrecorded alcohol, access to care for people affected by alcohol-related disorders, and reductions in alcohol-related illnesses, injuries and deaths.
“Our objective, therefore, is not simply to have a national alcohol policy on paper by 2030. It is to have a policy that has translated into healthier people, safer communities, more responsible industry practices and stronger institutions,” he said.
The Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, NAFDAC, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, who also attended the launch, said the policy was anchored in Nigeria’s broader health and socio-economic reform agenda.
Adeyeye said the policy reinforced Nigeria’s commitment to the SDGs, particularly those relating to good health and well-being, sustainable industry, and safe and resilient communities.
She, however, stressed the government’s commitment to protecting consumers, particularly underage persons and other vulnerable groups, while promoting responsible practices across relevant industries.
The policy is expected to provide a coordinated framework for government agencies and other stakeholders to tackle harmful alcohol use.
General News
Weah is Exactly What He Came to Preach Against at NBA Conference: A Dictator
–Falana Tells NBA
By Son Tertseghs
Former Liberian President, George Weah, who addressed the NBA’s 66th Annual General Conference in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on Sunday has been accused of capturing and undermining judicial independence in Liberia while serving as president.
Human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana, made the allegations, while criticising the Nigerian Bar Association leadership for inviting a man he referred to as a dictator to address NBA.
The senior lawyer made the remarks in a video posted on the NBA’s YouTube channel, following Weah’s keynote address at the Annual General Conference in Port Harcourt on Sunday. Falana declared:
“Ladies and gentlemen, I’m delighted to be here. But let me say this, because you know I have to be frank with the audience. And this goes for the leadership of the Bar. I want to appeal that the Bar Association must stop—stop inviting dictators in Africa to come and address us.”
He alleged that under Weah’s regime (2018–2024), the judiciary was captured to the point that Liberians sought legal redress outside the country at the ECOWAS Court. Falana continued:
“Mr. Weah, George Weah, who was here yesterday and was talking about the judiciary: in his country, his regime captured the judiciary to the extent that they had to contact some of us outside the country to get legal redress in the ECOWAS Court.”
He made reference to the case of Mandingo people against Liberia, whose landed properties were allegedly seized during the war.
He said the ECOWAS Court ruled in their favour but alleged that Weah refused to comply with the judgment.
“The ECOWAS Court gave them judgment. George Weah refused to comply with the judgment. The new government of Boakai has just set up a committee for the enforcement of that judgment,” he added.
Falana also cited the case of an associate justice of the Supreme Court of Liberia who, he also alleged, was dismissed without basis. He pointed another of Weah’s ill deeds saying:
“Again, we went to the ECOWAS Court. The ECOWAS Court set aside his dismissal and awarded him $200,000. He was ordered to be reinstated. Mr. George Weah refused to comply with the judgment.”
He questioned the decision to invite Weah to address lawyers on democracy and the rule of law despite the allegations.
“Now, that is the man coming here to talk to us about the rule of law and democracy,” Falana said.
The prominent lawyer did not end there. He further accused Weah’s administration of allowing drug trafficking to flourish in Liberia.
“He ruled Liberia between 2018 and 2024. During his time, drug barons took over the country. Just on the 19th of August, his Vice President, Madam Edith, was arrested… on the 19th of August. She’s currently standing trial for drug trafficking to the tune of $370 million in that poor country.
“So when you now have such a character… You know, during the last World Cup in Qatar, his son, Timothee, was playing for the United States of America, not for Liberia.
“This man left his country for nine days, took the money of that country to go and cheer his son in Qatar. So please, next time you want to invite African leaders, there are some of them that require inviting.”
Falana noted the president, vice president and speaker of Namibia, who are all female, and in Nigeria, late former premier of Western Nigeria, Obafemi Awolowo, as worthy of invitation.
Weah, while delivering the keynote address at the conference, charged lawyers to, as their duty, defend the the court because doing so is defending democracy itself.
General News
NANS Disagrees With Atiku’s Fuel Subsidy Rhetoric, says Subsidy Would Bring Economic Disaster
By Son Tertsegha
The former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s campaign promise to restore fuel subsidy if elected President, has been opposed by National Association of Nigerian Students, NANS.
NANS President Comr. Akinteye Babatunde Afeez in a statement on Wednesday, argued that returning to the subsidy regime without addressing the structural weaknesses that made it unsustainable would amount to reversing a difficult but necessary economic reform.
Afeez said while subsidy removal had imposed severe hardship on Nigerians through increased fuel, transportation and food prices, the policy had also created fiscal space for government and eliminated what he described as a major distortion in the economy.
According to him, the critical question Nigerians should ask is whether the trillions of naira previously committed to subsidising petrol could have been better deployed to address the country’s infrastructure, healthcare, education and other pressing development needs.
He said: “Every sane and patriotic citizen who is conversant with our nation’s economy will agree with me that the removal of the fuel subsidy was a difficult but necessary economic reform aimed at ending an increasingly unsustainable system that consumed trillions of naira, benefited higher fuel consumers disproportionately, encouraged smuggling, and constrained the government’s ability to invest in critical sectors.”
The NANS president, however, acknowledged the hardship caused by the reform, stressing that the real test of subsidy removal was not merely the savings accruing to government but how effectively the freed resources were deployed to improve citizens’ welfare.
He said government must ensure that the sacrifices made by Nigerians translate into tangible improvements in education, healthcare, infrastructure, agriculture and other critical sectors.
Afeez maintained that any proposal to restore subsidy without a clear plan for resolving the structural problems that undermined the policy in the first place could only recreate the same crisis.
“This is why calls or promises for the outright return of subsidy, without a clear structural framework for addressing the fundamental weaknesses that made the policy unsustainable in the first place, amount to little more than a political response to a genuine economic challenge.”
NANS urged Nigerians not to allow the immediate pain of economic reforms to undermine the need for long-term restructuring, insisting that political aspirants must present sustainable policies capable of transforming the economy rather than offering short-term relief.
The students’ body also challenged presidential aspirants to come to national debates with concrete economic blueprints that would not merely provide temporary comfort but establish a sustainable foundation for national development.
Afeez said his opposition to Atiku’s proposal was not partisan, stressing that NANS had a responsibility to scrutinise government policies and political promises in the national interest.
He added that the country could not afford to return to a system in which huge public resources were devoted to fuel subsidy while many states struggled to meet their financial obligations and critical infrastructure remained inadequate.
He therefore urged Atiku to reconsider his position.
