Opinion
“Islamization Agenda Started Over 200 Yeats Ago –
BY Mike Arnold
The Islamization of Nigeria Is Not a Theory. It’s a blueprint. Tinubu Isn’t Hiding It Anymore
By Mike Arnold
The Nigerian government is spending millions on lobbyists and PR firms in Washington and London. They’ve hired some of the best spin doctors money can buy. And I’ll give them this: they can muddy the waters about the terrorist massacres. They can repackage government failures as “security challenges.””” They can trot out ambassadors with talking points about “farmer-herder conflict” and “climate-driven migration.”
But there is one thing they can not hide: the historic, aggressive, and ongoing effort to fully Islamize Nigeria by any means necessary.
Not the violence. Not the body count. The structure. The laws. The Constitution. The courts. The schools. The appointments. The architecture of a 220-year conquest that is not winding down but accelerating—right now, in broad daylight, with receipts.
All the talk of a “secular democracy” is an elaborate masquerade to keep Nigeria in the good graces of the West. It is a fraud. The evidence is so overwhelming that no amount of lobbying can bury it.
I’ve made sixteen trips to Nigeria since 2010, multiple under Level 4 “Do Not Travel” warnings. I’ve spent time with children who watched their parents slaughtered for being Christian. I run three schools in displacement camps that the Nigerian government says don’t exist. I’ve sat across the table from two former Nigerian presidents. I carry protection now—even at my home in Texas—because of what I’ve uncovered.
So when I tell you the Islamization of Nigeria is not a conspiracy theory, not an exaggeration, and not Islam phobia—I’m telling you what I’ve spent fifteen years documenting with my own eyes, my own hands, and my own money. And every piece of it is on the record.
Let me show you.
This Didn’t Start Yesterday
People hear “Islamization of Nigeria” and think it’s a recent problem. It isn’t. It’s a 220-year project, and the blueprint has never changed.
In 1804, a Fulani scholar named Usman Dan Fodio launched a violent jihad across what is now Northern Nigeria. Historical records indicate as many as 250,000 died. He established the Sokoto Caliphate—an Islamic empire that swallowed dozens of ethnic groups and governed by Sharia. It was the largest state in Africa south of the Sahara.
When the British arrived, they didn’t dismantle it. They preserved it. Under “indirect rule,” they empowered the emirs, propped up the Islamic aristocracy, and suppressed the South. When they left in 1960, they handed the keys to the heirs of the caliphate.
On independence Day, the man holding those keys was Ahmadu Bello—the Sardauna of Sokoto, direct descendant of dan Fodio, Premier of Northern Nigeria. His vision was explicit. He founded Jama’atu Nasril Islam—the Society for the Victory of Islam—in 1962. He launched conversion campaigns across the North that converted more than 100,000 people in just two provinces. His stated goal: Nigeria as “an estate of our great-grandfather, Uthman dan Fodio.”
He was assassinated in the 1966 coup. But the project didn’t die with him.
When the Christian South tried to leave—when the Igbo people declared the Republic of Biafra in 1967—the Muslim-dominated North crushed them. Britain backed the North. Not for values. For oil. BP was extracting billions annually. The blockade starved one to three million people to death—mostly women and children. The message was clear: resistance will be annihilated.
After the war, the military government seized Christian missionary schools across the country. Schools that missionaries had built, funded, and operated since the 1840s—the backbone of education in Nigeria. Overnight, they were nationalized. In some Northern states, the names were changed to erase their Christian origins. St. John’s College became Rimi College. Queen of Apostles became Queen Amina College. The curricula were gutted. The moral foundations that had produced generations of Nigerian leaders were replaced with state-controlled content.
In 1986, military dictator Ibrahim Babangida secretly enrolled Nigeria as a full member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation—the 57-nation body that calls itself “the collective voice of the Muslim world.” He did it without consulting his cabinet. His own deputy—Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, a Christian—said publicly that it was never discussed at the Supreme Military Council. Ukiwe was fired. In 2012, Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs described Nigeria at an OIC meeting in Saudi Arabia as “an Islamic state with the largest Christian population.” The backlash was fierce. The minister backpedalled. But Nigeria remains a full member of the OIC to this day.
And then there’s the constitution itself—the document that supposedly guarantees Nigeria’s “secular” character. The 1999 Constitution mentions Sharia 73 times. It mentions Islam 28 times. It mentions Muslims 10 times. It mentions Christianity zero times. The Bible? Zero. Not once. It establishes a Sharia Court of Appeal as a federal institution. It provides for Grand Khadi appointments. It embeds Islamic law into the legal architecture of a nation that calls itself secular.
Structural gerrymandering goes deeper. Nigeria’s 36 states were drawn to guarantee a permanent Muslim majority in the federal system. The North has 19 states, the South 17. Senate seats, revenue allocation, and federal appointments—all flow from a map designed to ensure that the heirs of the caliphate never lose control of the centre, regardless of what happens at the ballot box.
When Babangida built Aso Rock—the presidential villa—in 1991, he included mosques. No chapel. No church. Nothing for the Christians who make up roughly half the country. It wasn’t until President Obasanjo, a Christian, took office in 1999 and noticed the imbalance that a chapel was finally built in 2000—nine years after the villa opened. Today, under Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim administration, reports indicate that the chapel has been shut while the mosques continue to operate.
In 1999, twelve Northern states immediately implemented full criminal Sharia law. Amputation. Flogging. Stoning. Not in some distant past. In the lifetime of every adult Nigerian alive today.
This is the through-line. 1804 to 2026. It has never stopped.
What’s Happening Right Now
After banning the teaching of Nigerian history in public schools for more than fifteen years—removed from the curriculum in 2009, with multiple failed attempts to restore it—the Tinubu administration finally mandated that Nigerian History be made compulsory from primary through junior secondary, effective 2025.
That sounds good. Until you see who Tinubu put in charge.
In December 2024, he appointed Professor Salisu Shehu as Executive Secretary of NERDC—the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council. The man who controls what every child in Nigeria learns.
Shehu’s life’s work is something called “The Islamization of Knowledge.””” That’s not my phrase. It’s his. He wrote the book—literally. Islamization of Knowledge: Conceptual Background, Vision and Tasks, published in 1998. He served as National Coordinator of the International Institute of Islamic Thought in Nigeria. He was Deputy Secretary-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. In 2024, he was turbaned “Khadimul Qur’an”—Servant of the Quran—for promoting Islamic knowledge.
This is the man now designing the curriculum for 50 million Nigerian school children.
And the curriculum content? Hidden behind a paid NERDC membership wall. Nobody outside the system can read what children will be taught. Meanwhile, coordinated praise from regime-friendly influencers celebrates a curriculum they haven’t seen.
After fifteen years of erasing history from the classroom, Nigeria’s children will now learn their history—as written by the man whose career mission is the Islamization of Knowledge. Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the curriculum controls the nation.
The Tinubu Record
Here’s what Tinubu has done since taking office in May 2023. Not speeches. Actions.
He ran on a Muslim-Muslim ticket—the first in Nigeria’s history. He appointed a Sharia advocate to redesign the national curriculum. He issued $500 million in Sukuk bonds—Islamic financial instruments that channel public funds through Sharia-compliant structures. He left Sharia courts and Hisbah morality police operating with full impunity across twelve Northern states, enforcing Islamic law on Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
His National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, armed Miyetti Allah—the Fulani herders’ association—with AK-47s under the Terrorism Prevention Act The government confirmed it. At the same time, Christian community defenders had their weapons confiscated. Hunters who protected their villages were left outgunned. In July 2025, more than 70 vigilantes were killed in a single ambush in Plateau State—because the government took their weapons while arming the other side.
He transferred Nnamdi Kanu—convicted on charges an Enugu court had already nullified—to a prison in Sokoto. The seat of the Caliphate. Eight hundred kilometres from his lawyers and family. His crime? Words. Not violence. Words.
Meanwhile, Isa Pantami—communications minister under Tinubu’s predecessor—is on tape praising Osama bin Laden, celebrating the killing of unbelievers, and Taliban victory. He kept his cabinet position. Nobody touched him.
Praise jihad and you keep your job. Advocate for your people with words, and you die in the Caliphate’s backyard.
And last month? Tinubu flew to Ankara to sign a military cooperation protocol with Erdogan. Turkish Special Forces will now train Nigerian soldiers. Turkish satellites will share intelligence. And Erdogan’s Maarif Foundation—a network of Islamic schools that scholars describe as having “a more pronounced Islamic character” – than the schools they replaced—will expand its educational footprint in Nigeria
Tinubu isn’t breaking the pattern. He’s accelerating it.
The Sultan’s Silence—and His Southern Advance
In January 2025, the Sultan of Sokoto—Sa’ad Abubakar III, 19th hereditary successor to dan Fodio—expanded Sharia arbitration panels into Southern states. Ekiti. Oyo. Yoruba Heartland. States that were never part of the caliphate. Not criminal Sharia. Not yet. Arbitration panels. Soft entry. The camel’s nose.
The Sultan presides over 108 million Muslims and 19 emirs. He could issue a fatwa against the violence tomorrow. He did it once—in 2015, and his fatwa against Boko Haram is reported to have reduced their recruitment by 40 percent. He has the authority. He has the platform. He has the reach.
He hasn’t done it. His silence is policy.
His 2025 message to the faithful: “The ummah must unite to confront challenges facing the Muslim world.” Not Nigeria. Not peace. Not coexistence. The Muslim world.
The Justice System They Built
A girl named Deborah Samuel was stoned to death and burned alive for thanking Jesus on WhatsApp. Her killers were defended by a team of 34 devout Muslim volunteer lawyers who rallied to their cause. They were acquitted—prosecution lawyers who failed to appear. In response to the arrests, Muslim mobs attacked and looted three churches.
A Christian healthcare worker named Rhoda Jatau spent 19 months in prison for condemning that murder.
A 74-year-old pastor’s wife named Bridget Agbahime was beaten to death by a mob of more than 500 for asking a man to move his ablution water from her shop door. All five suspects were discharged in five months. The magistrate’s ruling: “No case to answer. All suspects are innocent.”
A young musician named Yahaya Sharif-Aminu has been in prison more than five years for sharing song lyrics on WhatsApp. His sentence: death by hanging. The Kano state government’s lawyer said publicly: “If the Supreme Court upholds the lower court’s decision, we will execute him publicly.”
Nigeria is one of only seven countries on earth with a blasphemy law carrying the death penalty. The European Parliament, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, and the ECOWAS Court have all demanded Nigeria repeal these laws. Nigeria has not complied with any of them.
Meanwhile, captured jihadists get vocational training, cash payments, and startup equipment through Operation Safe Corridor. Nearly a thousand “repentant Boko Haram members” graduated in 2025 alone. Their victims—millions in displacement camps—have their camps bulldozed and are told to go home. To villages still controlled by the killers.
Kill a Christian for “blasphemy” and walk free. Defend a murdered Christian’s memory and go to prison. This is not a broken system. It’s working exactly as designed.
The Man Who Wants You to Look Away
After Trump’s Christmas Day strike on ISIS targets in Sokoto, a man named Sheikh Ahmad Gumi stepped to the microphone.
Gumi is the most influential Islamic cleric in Northern Nigeria. Son of the man critics called “the Ayatollah of Nigeria.” Preaches at the Sultan Bello Mosque in Kaduna. In 2021, he walked into forest camps to meet more than 600 armed bandits. He distributed Islamic books to them. He gave them medical treatment. He demanded the government give them amnesty and money. He said publicly—on the record—that “kidnapping children from school is a lesser evil.”
He’s also the man who exchanged emails with Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab before the young Nigerian tried to blow up 289 people on a Christmas Day flight to Detroit in 2009. U.S. intelligence found the correspondence. Saudi Arabia arrested Gumi and held him for more than six months. The Nigerian government lobbied for his release.
In May 2025, Saudi Arabia banned him from entering the country, immediately deporting him upon arrival. Too radical for Saudi Arabia—the same Saudi Arabia that the United States has designated a Country of Particular Concern.
And after the Christmas strike? Gumi demanded Nigeria “halt all military cooperation with the United States” and pivot to “neutral countries”—China, Turkey, and Pakistan.
Those are not neutral countries. Turkey just signed a military cooperation protocol with Tinubu. Pakistan already has fighter jets in the Nigerian Air Force—co-developed with China. Iran has built a three-million-strong proxy movement in Northern Nigeria. When Gumi says “pivot,” he’s describing what’s already underway.
The Numbers
Ninety per cent of all Christians killed for their faith on earth are killed in Nigeria. More than 10,200 were killed by armed groups in just the first two years of Tinubu’s administration, according to Amnesty International. 725 villages under bandit control in Zamfara. All 23 local government areas of Benue State attacked. Boko Haram and ISWAP recruitment videos indicate that Nigeria is “phase one” of a worldwide caliphate revival—with $40 billion a year in oil and $700 billion in strategic minerals to finance it.
Former AFRICOM Commander General Michael Langley called the region anchored by Northern Nigeria “the of global terrorism.”
The Nigerian government’s official position stated in September 2025: “There is no religious persecution in Nigeria.”
Why I’m Telling You This
The lobbyists can spin the violence. They can reframe massacres as “community disputes.” They can buy op-eds and plant friendly stories.
But they can not rewrite the constitution that mentions Sharia, Islam, and the Quran more than 100 times and Christianity zero. They can not un-seize the missionary schools. They can not un-join the OIC. They can not erase the conversion campaigns or the caliphate or the curriculum czar whose life’s work is the Islamization of Knowledge. They can not explain away a presidential villa built with mosques and no chapel. They can not make Ahmadu Bello’s vision disappear or pretend that twelve states don’t enforce criminal Sharia in a “secular democracy.”
The masquerade is over. The record is clear. And the full picture—how this 220-year conquest machine works, who built it, who feeds it, and what it will take to stop it—is coming. Soon.
EarthShaker
By Philip Nyam
Last month, I was part of a delegation that participated in the Seminar on Young Leaders under the Global Development Initiative (GDI), organised by the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE), in Beijing, China. We came from diverse countries including Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Gambia, Grenada, the Kurdish Iran, Nigeria, Sierra-Leone, Macedonia, and South Africa. Available records show that the UIBE has, since 2000, with the approval of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, conducted more than 140 bilateral and multilateral training programmes, hosting over 350,000 participants.
The UIBE is by every standard a welcoming academic environment, a great citadel of learning renowned for building leaders for tomorrow. It is axiomatic that one of the problems plaguing developing or underdeveloped countries is poor leadership. This effort is to lay a solid foundation and bridge the gap.
The GDI, of course, is China’s ambitious proposal for worldwide development, launched by President Xi Jinping at the UN General Assembly on September 21, 2021. The idea is simple and urgent: Push the UN 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, but anchor them in what developing countries need most. Poverty reduction, food security, vaccines and health, financing for development, climate change and green development, industrialisation and the digital economy. In other words, the GDI is China’s call for a shared future, and it is a project that puts developing countries first.
So, for two weeks at UIBE, we lived inside that idea. Despite the fact that some of us were visiting China for the first time, we quickly integrated. We were taught China’s basic national conditions and achievements since reform and opening up. We studied how China is implementing the UN 2030 Agenda through poverty alleviation. We took lectures on China’s political system, the digital economy, artificial intelligence, intellectual property, Chinese history, Chinese culture, and the cultivation of young leaders under GDI. The participants were also exposed to the philosophy behind Chinese steady development: “If you want to be rich, build the roads”. The lecturers were professional and down-to-earth; the supervisors and volunteers were amazing, and the people were generally friendly and welcoming. And so, we read, digested, and assimilated what we were taught.
Between classes, China opened itself to us. We tasted our way through Beijing and Sichuan’s rich cuisine. In Chengdu, capital city of Sichuan Province, we watched Sichuan Opera face-changing until we couldn’t tell where the mask ended and the wonder began. We sat for tea and learned the quiet discipline in every pour. At the Panda Base, we met giant pandas and red pandas, black-and-white ambassadors that everyone falls for. We climbed the Great Wall and felt history under our feet. We had the rare opportunity of participating in the Fourth China International Supply Chain Expo, and we visited the Museum of Foreign Economic and Trade Relations.
It was indeed a masterclass in policy and culture. But some encounters don’t fit into a seminar schedule. They slip between lectures, between the Great Wall and a bowl of hotpot, and end up rewriting the whole trip for you. And the lesson I keep returning to came from a narrow lane lit by lanterns. It didn’t happen in a lecture hall; it happened in Kuanzhai Alley of Chengdu.
My encounter with a six-year-old boy named Eno. It was a rare encounter that has left an indelible impression on me. Kuanzhai’s Alley is Chengdu’s living room. Red lanterns, teahouse chatter, the smell of spice in the air. We were taking a walk into the Alley when a small voice stopped me. Eno was six. Bright eyes. Questions ready before his hello finished. “Where from? Your name? Do you love football?” At six, he spoke good English. He knew Cristiano Ronaldo. He asked about pandas and why only Chengdu keeps them so close. He asked about the ongoing World Cup in the USA, Canada, and Mexico. He talked like a child with maps and goals in his head, but he listened like someone older. No shyness, no demand. Just courage wrapped in courtesy.
Then came the gesture I did not expect. Eno pressed a small picture of a panda into my hand. “Wish you well,” he said, and gave it free. No blood, no prior knowing. A stranger’s hand, offering love without a sound. I felt it immediately. I had to look away for a second. Because tears rose unbidden. In that moment, Eno was not just a boy in an alley. He was the idea behind GDI made human: spreading love, uniting humanity, one small act at a time. To me, Eno is not just a little boy in an alley; he is China’s welcome, wide and deep.
That small panda picture now lives in my sitting room in Nigeria. I guard it. Some days it’s just paper and ink. Other days it’s a window back to Chengdu, to lantern light, to a boy who decided a stranger should feel welcome.
Eno taught me something the lectures circled but could not say as plainly: kindness needs no reason. It just begins. Love needs no reason to be sweet. If GDI is about building a more connected, equitable world, I saw it in miniature that afternoon. Policy, trade, and technology matter. So do pandas, football, and a child’s unguarded generosity.
I hope to reconnect with Eno someday. Until then, I’ll keep looking for that golden light in Kuanzhai’s alleys, and I’ll keep telling the story of the six-year-old who reminded a visitor from Nigeria that the soul of a city, a nation, can fit in one small hand.
…Philip Nyam participated in the just-concluded Seminar on Young Leaders under the GDI in Beijing.
By Son Tertsea, Abuja
A disturbing development in the Nigerian political space came with the judgment of a Lokoja federal court with its call on INEC to deregister the National Democratic party, NDC.
The devastating effects of this judicial pronouncement on all candidates for the 2027 general elections nominated on the platform of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) and the entire polls cannot be overemphasised.
The Lokoja Federal High Court Lokoja earlier granted the party recognition as a political party in Nigeria.
Justice Isah Dashen delivered Friday judgement in Suit No. FHC/LKJ/CS/49/2025, to set aside its December 10, 2025 judgment, which had ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to recognise and register the NDC.
The court upheld an application by the Peace Movement Party (PMP), which argued that it was a necessary party in the suit.
The judge further held that failure to include the PMP amounted to a denial of fair hearing and rendered the previous judgment invalid.
Justice Dashen ordered that the parties return to the position they were in before the December 10, 2025 judgment, pending the fresh determination of the substantive case.
The judge also held that some material facts were not brought before it during the earlier proceedings, a development that contributed to its decision to set aside the judgment.
The NDC and the Peter Obi Media Reach (POMR) described the court’s decision as a temporary legal hurdle.
NDC National Chairman, Sen. Moses Cleopas Zuwoghe, said the party had directed its team of lawyers to challenge the order at the Court of Appeal.
In a statement on Friday, Zuwoghe assured the public and candidates of the party in the forthcoming 2027 elections that “our party is on course,” stressing that “the NDC has not been deregistered.”
He stated that: “The public knows that by December 2025, the Nigeria Democratic Congress as an association complained of INEC’s refusal to register us as a political party, whereupon we proceeded to the Federal High Court. The Federal High Court upheld our constitutional right to freedom of association under the Constitution and compelled INEC to register us, which INEC did.
“Since then, we have started political activities, embarked on the registration of members, held congresses from ward to national levels, held conventions and concluded primaries to all offices following INEC’s timetable. We have been fully participating in all INEC activities without let or hindrance.
“NDC also fielded candidates and fully participated in the just-concluded bye-elections in Nasarawa and Enugu states.
“Candidates for the House of Assembly, House of Representatives, Senate, Governorship, Presidential, and Vice-Presidential positions have been duly nominated, and we are in the process of formally submitting them to INEC in accordance with INEC’s timetable.
“The association that filed the complaint is unknown to us. The Peace Movement Party (PMP) is not a registered political party in Nigeria. They claimed, in a motion (not even a substantive suit or appeal), that the court should set aside its earlier judgment on the purported ground that, in 2015, they had sought registration as a political party with the victory sign as their symbol and were denied.
“It is important to note that they are not an association applying for registration now under the exercise that started last year. They are also not a registered political party in Nigeria participating in the political process now, as we are.
“Furthermore, the court, having delivered a final judgment in our suit against INEC, had become functus officio. The court had also dealt with all related issues concerning associations claiming they wanted to use the same symbol and colours. The court, in its judgment, overruled INEC when those issues were raised, and there is no appeal against that judgment.
“Therefore, we are surprised that, on an application by an association claiming that it wanted to register as a political party with the victory sign in 2015, an association that is not a registered political party and is not seeking registration now to participate in the current political process, His Lordship came to the conclusion that they have locus standi, and furthermore, that he has jurisdiction to do what he did.
“Accordingly, we have been informed that His Lordship made an order setting aside the court’s earlier decision of December 2025.
“There was no order directing our deregistration. However, we are dissatisfied with the decision that has been made, and we have instructed our team of lawyers to immediately proceed to the Court of Appeal to challenge the jurisdiction and propriety of His Lordship’s order.
“We assure the general public and particularly our candidates at all levels that our party is on course. The NDC has not been deregistered, and we are challenging today’s order at the Court of Appeal as soon as possible. We have no doubt that justice will be done.”
The party condemned what it described as efforts by those who seek to shrink the democratic space and stifle opposition voices and alternatives.
“Nigerians have a right to a full range of opinions, ideas and alternatives; and political platforms and candidates should be allowed to participate in the 2027 general election process, which has already gone midway.
“It is too late for anyone to attempt to use the judiciary to derail or narrow Nigeria’s multi-party democratic space. If the said association (Peace Movement Party) were a party affected by the judgment on our initial suit, the only option open to it was to appeal the verdict, an option which it did not take. Even at that, the window open for such appeal has since closed and any such appeal by now has become statute-barred.
“To now try to upturn that verdict through the back door, via a motion, is not only unheard-of, but also illegal and an outright abuse of court process.”
The judgment is coming exactly 10 days after the Court of Appeal in Abuja ordered a stay of execution of the judgment of the Federal High Court, Abuja, ordering INEC to deregister the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Action Peoples Party (APP), Action Alliance (AA), Accord Party (AP), and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP).
The three-member panel of the appellate court led by Justice Abubakar Mohammed, accused Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja of flouting an order it made on May 22, which directed him to suspend proceedings before him.
The appellate court had held that Justice Lifu’s action amounted to an affront and judicial rascality on the hierarchy of courts.
It described the lower court’s action as “the highest form of judicial impertinence,” stressing that the Supreme Court previously held that a judge who acted in such manner “is unfit for the bench as it amounts to judicial rascality.”
Legal luminary, Femi Falana in statement entitled ‘Nigerian Judges and Lawyers Should Be Prevented From Sabotaging the 2027 Election,’ expressed concern over recent judgments delivered by judges of the Federal High Court on the powers of INEC regarding election timelines.
The senior advocate recalled that Justice Mohammed Umar of the Federal High Court invalidated INEC’s timeline for the conduct of party primaries and nomination of candidates ahead of the 2027 elections.
The court also nullified INEC’s May 10 deadline, directing political parties to submit their membership registers and databases as part of the requirements for participation in the polls.
According to him, the court held that the timeframe announced by INEC for political parties to conduct primaries and submit, withdraw, or replace candidates “is inconsistent with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026.”
The suit was filed by the Youth Party against INEC
He further noted that INEC had appealed the ruling and filed a motion for a stay of execution pending the Court of Appeal’s determination of the appeal.
Falana said the situation became more complicated after another judge of the Federal High Court, Justice James Omotosho, ruled in a separate suit filed by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) that INEC possesses the constitutional authority to fix timelines for political party primaries and other electoral activities ahead of the 2027 elections.
He argued that the two judgments created uncertainty within the political system.
Therefore, he urged NJC and NBA to urgently investigate the circumstances surrounding the judgments in Youth Party vs. INEC and SDP vs. INEC, warning that failure to address the issue could threaten the credibility of the 2027 elections.
He added that judges and lawyers must avoid actions capable of undermining the credibility of future elections, warning that legal disputes should not become tools for disrupting democratic processes.
He drew parallels with Nigeria’s political history, warning that failure to address the situation immediately could reopen painful memories of 1993. He warned:
“Unless the judges and lawyers involved are called to order, the 2027 election may be sabotaged by judges and lawyers.”
Suchet Baba, a Kaduna-born writer, painter, and cultural entrepreneur has picked the important challenge of narrating the Northern Nigeria’s experience. Telling its own stories through art, literature, and creative expression, to her, is authentic and vital to preserving the region’s cultural identity and challenging long-held stereotypes.
Founder and festival director of “Arts and Vibes”, her work is geared toward forward as well as magnifying the unheard of voices. She’s equally determined to set up the stage which props young creators across Northern Nigeria to tell their reality both from their perspectives and on their own terms.
According to her, the region’s stories are often overlooked, misrepresented, or filtered through external perspectives, making it essential for Northern artists and storytellers to take ownership of their narratives.
Driven by a commitment to reframe perceptions of Northern Nigeria, she uses contemporary art and storytelling to document, preserve, and reshape cultural identities while encouraging young people to explore creative expression beyond traditional and ethnographic boundaries.
“Arts and Vibes”, created in Kaduna in 2021 has asserted itself a creative platform for artists, writers, and young people to collaborate, share ideas, and showcase their talents. With sheer hardwork over the years, it is proving itself as a cultural movement for dialogue and artistic innovation within the region.
Her literary work has also gained recognition, with features in publications such as Brittle Paper, Kalahari Review, Afritondo, and Punocracy, where she explores themes of identity, memory, culture, and belonging. She has been longlisted for the 2025 Commonwealth Short Story Prize and shortlisted for the 2023 Alinea Prize in Nonfiction and the 2018 Okada Books Campus Writing Challenge.
Baba is also a visual artist, apart from writing, with exhibitions including Young, Fresh n New by Wunika Mukan Gallery in 2026 and The Artists Commune in 2025.
Her speaking engagements and appearances or presence on media platforms such as Microsoft Afriweek, Channels Television, TVC News, Premium Times, Leadership Newspaper, Pulse Nigeria, and Voices of Nigeria, define her advocacy role for serious investment in Northern Nigeria’s creative ecosystem.
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