General News
Let The Records Speak on Kadarko: An Appeal For Documentary Evidence In The Debate Over History, Identify And Traditional Authority
By Peter Dooior, Kadarko
The Alago Youth Movement in Nasarawa South Senatorial Zone should, with respect, exercise greater certainty and responsibility in the use of historical language. History is not established by repetition, political affiliation or social-media declarations. It must be supported by evidence, records, independently testable oral traditions, administrative instruments, court proceedings and other verifiable historical materials.
This is particularly important in the continuing debate over Kadarko.
Before anyone attempts to rewrite the history of the people and traditional institution of Kadarko, there is a fundamental question that must be answered: Where are the primary records?
If the argument is that Kadarko has always been exclusively an Alago historical and political possession, those making the claim should produce the documentary evidence rather than merely repeat the assertion.
THE 2018 QUESTION
There is an important historical episode that should not be forgotten.
According to records and recollections from the Kadarko side, in 2018, under the political environment of the All Progressives Congress (APC), an Alago forum publicly challenged the right of one of Kadarko’s prominent sons to speak on behalf of the Alago people, questioned his roots and reportedly declared that he was not Alago.
If that position was publicly made, an obvious question arises: If an individual was publicly disowned as not being Alago in 2018, on what historical basis are the same or similar voices now constructing an expansive narrative of Alago ownership or identity around Kadarko?
If other Alago political and cultural platforms associated with the PDP, Labour Party, SDP or other political formations disagreed with that 2018 position, where were their public rebuttals?
Silence does not prove history. Neither should a later political narrative erase an earlier public position.
The precise newspaper edition and statement should, of course, be produced and preserved as documentary evidence. That is the proper way to settle the matter—not through hearsay.
THE TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KADARKO
Another body of evidence deserving serious examination is the history of the Kadarko traditional institution.
From records available to the Kadarko side, the traditional succession remembered by our people includes:
- Ano Ayitogo, identified as the first District Head of Kadarko;
2.Mallam Usman Dodo Ogidi, associated with the traditional leadership of Kadarko from approximately 1991 to 2001;
3.Muhammadu Abu Doma, selected in 2005 but whose emergence was challenged; and
4.Fabian Orogu, who subsequently became recognised as Osokadoko of Kadarko.
These matters should be tested against appointment instruments, gazettes, Native Authority records, chieftaincy files, court proceedings, Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs records, family records and traditional-council documents.
Publicly available historical material also identifies Fabian Orogu as Osokadoko of Kadarko in traditional-rulers listings available in research literature.
Following his death in January 2018, Umaru Usman Dodo was selected and subsequently confirmed as Osokadoko of Kadarko in March 2019. Contemporary reports identify the stool as a third-class traditional institution.
These records do not, by themselves, determine the ethnic origin of Kadarko. They do, however, establish that the traditional institution has an administrative and historical record that must be examined before its genealogy is rewritten.
THE 2005 CHIEFTAINCY DISPUTE
The 2005 episode is particularly important and should be investigated through the actual court file rather than competing oral narratives.
Our account is that when Muhammadu Abu Doma was selected as District Head of Kadarko, the present traditional authority, Mallam Umar Usman Dodo II, challenged the appointment as a principal complainant. The challenge reportedly included the argument that the appointee did not belong to any of the recognised ruling houses of Orogu, Isaleku, Ogidi and Ayitogo, alongside questions concerning his ethnic and traditional eligibility.
If court records, petitions, government correspondence and chieftaincy documents establish these facts, they should be made available for public examination.
Such evidence would be far more valuable than today’s social-media arguments.
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE STOOL
Another question concerns the evolution of the title and status of the traditional institution.
Our records indicate that when Kadarko was upgraded to third-class status, the nomenclature of the traditional stool subsequently changed from the older ZHE KADARKO designation to OSOKADOKO. That change should be examined through the official government instrument authorizing it.
Whenever a traditional title is changed, important questions arise: Who authorised the change? When? What was the previous title? What was the justification? And what historical or traditional identity was being recognized?
These questions require documents, not assumptions.
ADMINISTRATIVE ATTACHMENT Is NOT ETHNIC ORIGIN.
This is perhaps the most important distinction in the entire debate.
The fact that Kadarko is today located within Keana Local Government Area does not automatically establish its ethnic ownership or historical origin. Conversely, the fact that a community was historically administered under a particular Native Authority does not, by itself, prove that every community within that administrative arrangement originated from the same ethnic group.
Administrative geography changes. Traditional institutions evolve. Local-government and state boundaries change. Historical claims must therefore be demonstrated through evidence.
Available contemporary and historical accounts indicate that Kadarko has been a multi-ethnic space involving Koro, Alago, Tiv, Gwandara Eggon and other communities. A 2020 response from Kadarko and Giza communities itself acknowledged the presence of several ethnic groups while advancing a competing interpretation of land and historical ownership.
Independent reporting on the Tiv position in Kadarko has also recorded a competing historical claim that Tiv presence predates some later administrative arrangements.
That disagreement is precisely why the history deserves investigation rather than political simplification.
WHERE ARE THE RECORDS?
If Alago institutions possess continuous records showing that Kadarko has always been administered, culturally represented or genealogically controlled through an Alago traditional structure, where are the records dating back to the 1970s and earlier?
If, as we maintain, our parents and traditional authorities were not participating in an “Alago forum” or “Alago Almanac” as representatives of Kadarko around 1976, that claim should equally be tested against documentary evidence.
LET THE RECORDS SPEAK.
Bring out the Native Authority documents, district records, chieftaincy files, court proceedings, gazettes, traditional-council minutes, genealogies, maps and colonial administrative records.
Let historians compare them.
A WORD TO OUR ALAGO BROTHERS AND SISTERS
This position should not be interpreted as hostility toward the Alago people. The Alago people have every constitutional right to organise themselves, form associations, participate in political parties and preserve their history and culture. Likewise, every individual has the constitutional freedom of association. Section 40 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria protects freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
However, freedom of association does not confer a right to appropriate another family’s history, nor should political affiliation become a mechanism for rewriting traditional genealogy.
If some Alago believe historical evidence supports their interpretation of Kadarko, let them produce it. If some Kadarko people believe their traditional institution has a distinct Migili history, let them equally produce their evidence.
The answer should be documentation, peaceful dialogue and objective examination—not intimidation or political expediency.
KADARKO MUST NOT BECOME A POLITICAL CANOE
This is an appeal to political parties, youth organisations, traditional institutions and community associations to exercise restraint.
Family histories are not campaign materials. Traditional institutions are not party manifestos. Ancestors are not electoral delegates.
If the Alago Youth Movement believes it has evidence establishing its historical claim, let there be an open historical forum involving historians, traditional rulers, elders, archivists, lawyers and representatives of the communities concerned.
Let the parties submit their documents. Let contradictory evidence be tested. Let historians examine the records. And let the conclusion belong to history—not to political expediency.
THE CENTRAL QUESTION
The question is not whether Alago people have constitutional rights. They do.
It is not whether Alago people have their own history. They do.
It is not whether Alago individuals can associate with any political party or forum. They can.
The question is much narrower and more serious:
“What documentary evidence establishes the historical identity, traditional genealogy and institutional ownership of Kadarko—and when did that evidence begin?”
Until that question is answered through credible records, nobody should present contested historical assertions as settled facts.
Kadarko deserves history—not mythology.
Kadarko deserves evidence—not political invention.
And its people deserve the right to preserve their inherited identity without having their history rewritten for them.
Finally , we call for documentary history, peaceful dialogue and justice for all communities of Kadarko.
General News
As Nigerian Labour’s Mussle Flexing Continues, Ajaero Says: NLC Can Negotiate alone, But TUC Can’t
By Son Tertsea, Abuja
Joe Ajaero, President of the Nigeria Labour Congress, has asserted that NLC has the authority to negotiate alone on labour matters, countering the position of his Trade Union Congress counterpart, Festus Osifo, that both labour bodies are equal partners to participate in such negotiations.
Ajaero said the TUC could negotiate alongside the NLC but could not independently negotiate with labour authorities, citing the principle of most workers’ representatives under the International Labour Organisation.
Speaking Monday as a guest on Channels Television’s The Morning Brief, he held this position amid the disagreement between the two labour bodies over the N70,000 transport allowance approved by the Federal Government for workers across all levels for six months. In his words:
“TUC can negotiate along with NLC but NLC can negotiate alone based on the principle of most workers representatives of the ILO.”
Ajaero gave an example of how the TUC is required to present its proposals to the NLC for onward submission when engaging with the ILO.
“TUC sent their negotiation alone ahead of the ILO conference but they returned it back and I had to minute on it.
“They have to send their list here for me to forward it; that is the position of the ILO. NLC determines how TUC participates.”
Ajaero further stated that the Ministry of Labour and other labour authorities would not engage with the TUC independently on workers’ welfare negotiations. In other words:
“TUC can’t negotiate alone; if they are saying and it is implied, it does not happen. I don’t think the Ministry of Labour or the Labour Authority will allow that to happen.”
Osifo’s claim that the TUC had a significant number of workers in the federal civil service, Ajaero countered saying that the Trade Union Amendment Act 2005 and the 1999 Constitution, have given workers the right to choose their unions.
“The 2005 Trade Union Amendment Act made membership of trade unions voluntary.
“It is the worker that determines the union he belongs to;
“Section 40 of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution as amended was clear that every Nigerian worker has the right to belong to any trade union, political or religious institution of his choice, which gives every worker the latitude to belong to any union of their choice.”
Ajaero also argued that Osifo’s claim about the number of workers represented by the TUC did not reflect the composition of the Joint National Public Service Negotiating Council.
According to him, only one of the eight union bodies in the joint council belongs to the TUC, while the remaining seven are affiliated with the NLC.
He further argued that the TUC-affiliated union in the joint body had subjected its powers to the council.
In the course of the programme, Ajaero explained how the N70,000 transport allowance agreement was reached, saying NLC had issued an ultimatum to the Federal Government before the intervention was agreed upon.
“We gave government an ultimatum; we were supposed to start an action. The government asked for four days to meet with us, and we met, and they resumed sitting after four days.
“After the meeting, the 70k allowance came up.”
By Michael Lim, Jos
A 100-level female student of Plateau State University, Bokkos, has been abducted by gunmen suspected to be kidnappers while another person sustained injuries during an attack on off-campus student residential areas in Bokkos Local Government Area of Plateau State.
According to reports, the incidents which occurred on Saturday evening at about 8:40pm, had heightened concerns over the safety of students residing outside the university campus.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, a student confirmed the abduction to journalists on Sunday, saying the victim, a 100-level female student, had gone out with another female colleague when she was abducted.
“Yes, the student was taken away by the attackers last night, and we have not seen her since then. She is staying off campus, but I don’t know her,”
The source lamented the growing insecurity in the council area and appealed to security agencies to ensure the safe rescue of the victim.
A staff of the university, speaking anonymously confirmed the incident saying the institution was aware of the development. In his words:
“The university is aware of a reported shooting incident in one of the off-campus student residential areas. This would be the second such incident in four weeks.”
According to him, although the incident did not occur within the university campus, the management was deeply concerned about the safety of students living outside the institution.
“While the incident did not occur within the university campus, which remains our direct responsibility to secure, we are deeply concerned that any of our students living off campus should face such threats to their safety.”
He added that the administration of the Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Shedrack Best, was determined to provide safe and secure on-campus accommodation for students.
“The administration of Prof. Shedrack Best has made concerted efforts to provide safe and secure on-campus accommodation for all students.
“However, due to severe financial constraints, the university is currently only able to accommodate about 1,000 students in its dormitories.”
“The university will continue to engage relevant authorities to expand both accommodation and security for our nearly 20,000 students,” he said.
Efforts to get the reaction of the Plateau State Police Command spokesperson, Alabo Alfred, on the matter were unsuccessful.
General News
NLC Says Cost of Living, Naira’s Value, Transportation, Housing … To shape Wage Negotiations
–Calls NUJ to fight for members
By Seyi Balogun, Lagos
The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, has resolved that wage discussions should commence far before April 2027 implementation date while identifying inflation, the cost of living, the value of the naira, transportation, housing and workers’ purchasing power as major issues that would shape the next national minimum wage negotiations.
The NLC President, Joe Ajaero, spoke weekend in Lagos, at the 2026 Labour Writers Association of Nigeria, LAWAN, Annual Conference in Lagos, on the theme; “Workers at the centre of Nigeria’s Political Transition: Defending rights, advancing welfare and building economic justice”.
In his words:
“We must examine inflation, the value of the naira and other factors affecting workers’ purchasing power. The new minimum wage should be informed by the cost-of-living index and prevailing inflationary trends”
NLC also expressed concern over the poor welfare conditions of Nigerian journalists.
He said journalists face daunting harsh working conditions including inadequate salaries, job insecurity, weak pension arrangements and the absence of effective social security protection, calling on the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) to take its trade union responsibilities more seriously.
According to him, it would be counter productive to negotiate a new minimum wage without establishing what the proposed amount could actually purchase.
He warned that workers should not find themselves receiving an improved salary only for inflation to erode its value within a few months, forcing them to demand another increase. In his words:
“We must not approach the next minimum wage negotiation by simply demanding millions or billions without considering other economic factors.
“We must consider inflation, the value of the currency and other issues affecting the economy. The new minimum wage should be determined with reference to the cost-of-living index and inflationary trends.
“If the government agrees that wages should be indexed to inflation, then an increase in inflation should lead to an appropriate adjustment in wages.
“Alternatively, we must examine the prices of essential commodities and services. How much does a bag of garri cost? How much is house rent? How much does transportation cost?
These are the factors that must inform the negotiations.
“We cannot simply announce that we want ₦100,000 or ₦50,000 without establishing how those figures relate to the actual cost of living. This is important because, over the years, we have repeatedly found ourselves in a situation where workers receive a salary increase, but within a few months, inflation erodes its value and they are already demanding another adjustment. We must avoid that situation.
“The government must take a more decisive position on solving the transportation problem. Giving workers ₦70,000 as a transportation intervention for six months is not enough, although it provides some relief. For somebody earning ₦70,000, receiving another ₦70,000 is certainly meaningful.
“But what happens after six months?There are also other policies that must be considered, particularly transportation. We cannot accept a situation where workers receive ₦70,000 as temporary relief and, after six months, the government simply withdraws the intervention without providing an alternative.
“Nobody should assume that because the six-month period has expired, workers must return to their previous state of poverty. We have left Egypt; we cannot go back to Egypt.
“As far as the minimum wage negotiations are concerned, the new negotiations must recognise the existing wage structure and the improvements already achieved.
You cannot begin negotiating from a position that ignores those gains.
“You cannot expect workers to return to the old minimum wage position of ₦70,000 after receiving the additional intervention. We must consolidate the gains already made.
On the welfare of journalists, the NLC challenged the NUJ to intensify its involvement in collective bargaining and negotiations with media employers to secure better conditions of service for its members.
The labour leader questioned the absence of effective collective bargaining agreements in the media industry, asking: “What is the minimum wage for media workers across the country? What collective bargaining agreements exist between journalists and their employers?”
On journalism, he observed that, most journalists depend on employment in media organisations for their livelihoods, unlike other professionals who can establish private businesses or independent practices. He argued:
“Therefore, the NUJ must be actively involved in negotiating better welfare packages for its members.”
Ajaero also called for the revival of the proposed journalists’ village initiative and partnerships between journalists and mortgage institutions to enable media workers to own houses through affordable payment arrangements.
On job security and retirement benefits, the labour leader lamented that many journalists frequently move from one media organisation to another because of poor remuneration and unfavourable conditions of service.
He noted that low salaries also translate into inadequate pension contributions, leaving many workers financially vulnerable after retirement.
The NLC President called for improved salaries, stronger employment protection, better pension arrangements and comprehensive social security provisions for journalists.
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