General News
The Tiv People and the 6,000-Year Claim: A Historical and Linguistic Examination of the Evidence
BY ADIKWU MOSES EGWA
This article examines the claim that the Tiv people are “the oldest Nigerian and Cameroonian tribe” who built the “first Bantu settlement in 6,000 BC.” Using simple language, it checks this claim against academic history, archaeology, linguistics, and written records from Nigeria and abroad. The findings show there is no proof in books, digs, or old reports to support a 6,000-year Tiv presence in Nigeria. Instead, records show the Tiv entered Nigeria about 200 years ago as refugees from the Congo region during the time of slave raids and later King Leopold II’s rule in the Congo (1885–1908). Nigeria’s recorded history names four major empires before 1900: Kwararafa, Oduduwa/Yoruba states, Borno, and Benin, with Sokoto added after 1804. The word “Tiv” did not appear in writing until the early 20th century. The 6,000-year story has no academic, archaeological, or anthropological support. This false narrative affects Nigeria’s history, misleads young Tiv people, and creates trouble with neighboring states.
History needs proof. Proof means old books, old buildings, old names written by people who lived at the time, and things dug from the ground. When we check Nigeria’s past, we find strong proof for some kingdoms and very little for others.
Four empires are named again and again in old records kept in London, Kano, and Timbuktu: (1) Kwararafa, (2) Oduduwa/Yoruba states, (3) Borno, and (4) Benin. After 1804, Sokoto also became a large empire (Last, 1967). These places had kings, capital cities, armies, and were written about by Arab and European visitors from the 1400s onward.
Today, some writers say the Tiv people built the first Bantu settlement in 6,000 BC, had a capital at Garoua, moved to Jimeta, then to Swem Mountain, and had 800,000 people. They say Tiv history was “buried” and that the “Battle of Karagbe” tells the truth. This article will look at each point, step by step, and compare it with what we know from history, archaeology, and language study.
- The Four Empires with Written and Physical Proof
1.1 Kwararafa
Kwararafa was a strong state in the Benue Valley. Leo Africanus, writing in 1526, named “Corarapa” as a kingdom south of the Hausa states (Leo Africanus, 1526). The Kano Chronicle, written before 1900, said Kwararafa fought Kano many times (Palmer, 1928). The Jukun people led Kwararafa. Their king is called Aku Uka, and Wukari was a main town (Meek, 1931). Archaeologists found old walls and pottery in the Benue area linked to Kwararafa (Sutton, 1979).
1.2 Oduduwa/Yoruba States
Ife and Oyo are Yoruba states. Ile-Ife has bronze heads dated to the 12th century AD (Willett, 1967). Oyo had a king called Alaafin and a big cavalry by 1600 (Law, 1977). A Scottish traveler, Clapperton, visited Oyo in 1826 and described its size (Clapperton, 1829).
1.3 Borno
Borno grew from Kanem near Lake Chad. Its kings wrote in Arabic from the 1200s. The Diwan is a king list from 1200 AD (Palmer, 1936). German traveler Barth saw the capital Kukawa in 1851 with walls and a court (Barth, 1857).
1.4 Benin
The Portuguese reached Benin in 1485. They wrote about the Oba, his palace, and trade (Ryder, 1969). The Benin walls are 16,000 km long, built between 800–1500 AD (Connah, 1975). Benin bronze art is in museums in London today.
1.5 Sokoto
After 1804, Usman dan Fodio set up the Sokoto Caliphate (Last, 1967). It had emirs, Arabic records, and a capital at Sokoto (Johnston, 1967).
These five states have dates, names, and objects we can see. That is why historians say they “made history.”
Checking the Tiv 6,000-Year Claim Point by Point
Claim A: “Tiv built the first Bantu settlement in 6,000 BC.”
Dispute: Archaeology in Nigeria and Cameroon has found no “Bantu settlement” dated to 6,000 BC. The word “Bantu” means a language family, not a city. The first farming villages in the Benue Valley date to about 500 BC–300 AD, like Nok culture (Fagg, 1977). No dig has found a Tiv city from 6,000 BC. If Tiv built a settlement 8,000 years ago, we should see pottery, houses, or graves. We do not (Shaw, 1978).
Claim B: “Tiv built their first capital at Garoua after they discovered River Benue and Niger.”
Dispute: Garoua is in Cameroon. It was a Fula and Bata town in the 1800s (Kirk-Greene, 1958). No Arab, German, or British report before 1900 says Tiv ruled Garoua. Yet In Jukun, Benue comes from Binuwe, which means ” follow river come.”
It was the name the Jukun people used for the River Benue long before Europeans arrived. The name later became the official name of the river and the state. From the Europeans.
The River Benue was named by Europeans in the 1800s from the Bantu word benue, meaning “mother of waters,” used by many groups, not only Tiv (Johnston, 1919).
The Niger was called Kwara by locals for centuries. There is no map before 1900 showing a “Tiv capital” at Garoua.
Claim C: “Tiv marked their territory in the Middle Belt, Cameroon, and Cross River.”
Dispute: Old maps of the 1800s show the Middle Belt held by Kwararafa, Igala, Idoma, and others (Crowder, 1978). The first British officers who entered the Benue area in 1900 met the Tiv as farmers with no central chief (East, 1937). If Tiv “marked” a large territory, why did no neighbor record it? The Jukun, Igala, and Chamba have oral histories of wars with Tiv as newcomers in the 1800s (Meek, 1931).
Claim D: “Capital moved to Jimeta, then to Swem Mountain for 800,000 people.”
Dispute: Jimeta is a town near Yola, set up by Fulani in the 1800s (Kirk-Greene, 1958). No record says Tiv ruled it. Swem is a hill in Cameroon. British officer R.C. Abraham visited it in the 1930s. He said it was a small shrine, not a city (Abraham, 1940). 800,000 people need water, farms, and houses. A city that big leaves ruins. No ruins exist at Swem (Shaw, 1978). The first census of Tiv by British in 1921 counted 300,000 people, not 800,000 in one city (East, 1937).
Claim E: “Tiv armies returned to reclaim land; this was the Bantu Migration.”
Dispute: The Bantu Migration is a language spread that started 3,000–4,000 years ago, not a Tiv army (Vansina, 1990; Ehret, 2001). It moved from Cameroon east and south, not from Nigeria outward. It was farmers with iron and pots, not one army (Blench, 2006). To say Tiv led it is not supported by any linguist. Wilhelm Bleek did not misspell “Tiv” as “True People.” Bleek wrote in 1858 and used “Bantu” meaning “people” in many languages (Bleek, 1862).
Claim F: “Tiv absorbed tribes and opened borders in the 1400s when Europeans kidnapped people.”
Dispute: Europeans reached the coast in the 1400s, but the first record of Tiv is from 1854 when Dr. Baikie met them on the Benue (Baikie, 1856). Baikie called them “Munchi.” There is no record of Tiv having power in the 1400s. If Tiv protected 300 tribes, the Portuguese, Dutch, or English would have written it. They did not.
Claim G: “20 tribes now use Tiv language, including Iyion, Etulo, Abakwa, Injoo.”
Dispute: Etulo and Abakwa speak their own languages, not Tiv (Williamson, 1971). Some small groups near Tiv borrow Tiv words because of trade, but they do not “adopt Tiv as official language” (Blench, 1999). Nigeria’s government does not list Tiv as official for 20 tribes (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2006).
Claim H: “Recent expeditions in Akwaya show Tiv capital at Swem Hill.”
Dispute: No academic paper or museum report shows a city at Swem. Cameroon’s Ministry of Culture has no record of a Tiv capital there (Nkwi, 1989). If an expedition found it, it would be in journals like West African Journal of Archaeology. It is not.
Claim I: “Tiv migration was 10,000 years before Jesus.”
Dispute: 10,000 years before Jesus is 12,000 years ago. At that time, all humans in West Africa were hunters, not farmers (Shaw, 1978). There were no tribes with names we know today. Language groups like Bantu formed after 2000 BC (Ehret, 2001). So Tiv as a group could not exist 12,000 years ago.
Why Tiv Are About 200 Years in Nigeria
The Name “Tiv” Is New
R.C. Abraham, the first man to write a Tiv dictionary, said the people did not call themselves Tiv. Hausa called them “Munchi,” and Jukun called them “Michi” (Abraham, 1933). The first time “Tiv” appears in print is 1911 in British reports (East, 1937). A 6,000-year-old nation would have its name in Arab books from Kano or Borno. It does not.
No King, No Capital, No Walls
All old states had a king and a main town. The British met Tiv in 1900 and said they had no chief for all Tiv (East, 1937). Each clan had its own elder. The British had to create the Tor Tiv in 1946 to rule them (Bohannan, 1953). If Tiv had a capital for 6,000 years, where are the walls? Benin’s walls are still there. Kwararafa’s city Wukari is still there.
Oral History Talks of Recent Coming.
Tiv elders told Abraham in 1933 that they came from the southeast, from a place called “Swem,” after wars (Abraham, 1940). They named groups they fought: Ugenyi, Chamba, Jukun. Jukun and Chamba also say Tiv came late and took land (Meek, 1931). This fits a 1800s migration.
The Congo Link and King Leopold II
From 1885–1908, King Leopold II ran the Congo Free State with great cruelty (Hochschild, 1998). Millions ran away. Before him, Arab and Chokwe slave raids from the 1700s pushed many groups west (Vansina, 1990). Tiv language is Bantoid, close to languages in Cameroon and Congo (Greenberg, 1963). So Tiv likely moved west as refugees in the 1700s–1800s, reaching the Benue about 200 years ago. This is why no European saw them before 1854.
The Problem with False History
Effect on Nigeria’s History.
When one group makes a claim with no proof, it confuses students and teachers. Nigeria’s history books use dates and digs. If we allow stories with no proof, then all history breaks down.
Effect on Young Tiv People
Young people need truth to plan their future. If they are told they had a city of 800,000 in 6,000 BC, but see no proof, they may lose trust in elders. They may also fight neighbors because they think the land was “always theirs.”
Trouble with Neighbors
Land fights in Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa have killed many since 1990 (Alubo, 2006). Some of these fights start because of history claims. Jukun say Tiv are latecomers. Tiv say they are the oldest. Without proof, peace is hard. Courts use old maps and reports. Those maps do not show a Tiv empire.
What Real Records Say: First written mention: 1854, by Dr. Baikie on the River Benue (Baikie, 1856); The first census of Tiv by British in 1921 counted 300,000 people, not 800,000 in one city (East, 1937); First central chief: Tor Tiv created by British in 1946 (Bohannan, 1953); Archaeology: No Tiv city found before 1900 (Shaw, 1978); Linguistics: Tiv split from other Bantoid languages about 1,000 years ago, not 8,000 (Blench, 1999).
None of these facts support a 6,000-year kingdom.
The claim that Tiv built a Bantu settlement in 6,000 BC and ruled from Garoua to Swem has no support in academic books, digs, or old writings. The four empires with real proof in Nigeria are Kwararafa, Oduduwa/Yoruba, Borno, and Benin, plus Sokoto after 1804. The word “Tiv” is only 100 years old in writing. Tiv had no king, no capital, and no city before 1900. Their own oral history and language links point to a move from the Congo region about 200 years ago, as refugees from slave raids and King Leopold II’s time. False history harms Nigeria and the Tiv people.
Young people should learn from real books so they can live in peace with neighbors.
Note: Some of the bold claims and repudiations may have provided another opening for more historical research, discourse and clarity on the subject
Editor
Animashaun Salman traveled into the heart of Danchadi District in Sokoto State to document the stories behind the statistics, revealing how banditry is not only claiming lives but emptying entire communities and turning once-thriving villages into ghost settlements in the state.
More than 30 villages have fallen silent.
Where children once played, markets bustled and farmers prepared for another planting season, empty homes now stand as grim reminders of lives interrupted. Across Danchadi District in Bodinga Local Government Area of Sokoto State, over 30 villages have been deserted after coordinated bandit attacks forced thousands of residents to flee, leaving behind generations of memories, livelihoods and hope.
For many families, the journey to safety began with nothing more than the clothes on their backs. Homes were abandoned, livestock—their life savings—were rustled, farms were left untended, and loved ones became separated in the chaos. Some survivors are still searching for missing relatives, while others are returning to communities stripped bare, not because they feel safe, but because they have nowhere else to go.
Homes that once echoed with children’s laughter now stand deserted. Farms lie untended at the height of the rainy season, while thousands of residents have fled with little more than the clothes on their backs after heavily armed bandits launched coordinated attacks on Danchadi District in Bodinga Local Government Area of Sokoto State.
The raids left at least eight people dead, more than 1,000 livestock stolen and entire communities emptied, triggering one of Sokoto’s worst episodes of mass displacement this year.
Beyond the casualty figures lies a far deeper tragedy. The attacks have shattered farming communities, wiped out livelihoods built over generations and exposed the fragile security architecture protecting many rural settlements across northwestern Nigeria.
For residents of Danchadi, the devastation cannot be measured by the death toll alone. It is written in abandoned homes, deserted villages and families scattered across neighbouring communities in search of safety.
The latest assault ranks among the largest incidents of mass displacement recorded in Sokoto this year, highlighting the growing reach of armed groups into communities that had until recently escaped the worst of the region’s violence.
The District Head of Danchadi, Alhaji Lirwanu Mafaran, Kuwarun Sarkin Musulmi, who documented the attacks in an official report submitted to the Bodinga Local Government Council and security agencies, described the assault as unprecedented.
Speaking after further investigations, the traditional ruler said the death toll had risen from six to eight, adding that many residents were still missing while hundreds had fled to neighbouring communities.
“My people are living in fear and confusion. Some women are still searching for their husbands after the attacks,” he said.
His words capture a district battling not only insecurity but the profound humanitarian crisis left in its wake.
The attacks affected more than 30 communities, including Gidan Gadanga, Gidan Dan Bube, Dutsin Mai Gunya, Batsauje, Sire Modi, Gwantsi, Kore Maiganga, Bangi Rafi, Bangi Dutsin, Yabawa, Lageji, Bille, Gonin Gari, Wumumu, Chohi, Saran Malan, Wure Yal’dde, Gidan Hodi, Dabugi, Rukusawa, Tunga, Lakes, Maikataru, Dutsin Toka, Karaje, Kwantsi Buga, Yan Gidaje, Runbuki, Kwantsi Tunga and Lau Gari.
Today, many of these settlements are ghost villages.
Residents fled in panic, abandoning homes, harvested food, household belongings and livestock that represented decades of hard work and family wealth.
The economic toll is staggering.
In rural Sokoto, livestock are far more than animals. They are savings accounts, farm machinery, school fees, dowries and the family’s insurance against hardship.
The rustling of more than 1,000 cattle, camels and other livestock has wiped out the wealth of dozens of households almost overnight, pushing many families into uncertainty.
The violence has also disrupted farming at one of the most critical periods of the agricultural calendar, raising fears that the attacks could deepen food insecurity and further weaken the rural economy long after the gunmen have gone.
Perhaps the most troubling revelation from the district head was not what happened during the attacks, but what happened afterwards.
According to him, security operatives visited the affected communities shortly after the raids but did not maintain a permanent presence, leaving frightened residents to fend for themselves.
“As I am speaking with you, there are no security personnel in the area,” he said.
For many villagers, that single statement explains why returning home remains a terrifying prospect. Across rural Sokoto, residents have long complained that attacks often last for hours before security forces arrive, if they arrive at all.
Determined to prevent a complete exodus, the district head said he spent the night at his palace with displaced residents, comforting frightened families and persuading them not to abandon the district for Sokoto metropolis.
His intervention, he said, convinced some to stay. But for many others, fear had already taken root.
‘They stayed until midnight’
For Malam Mainasara Danjumma, a resident of Kyaluje village, the nightmare stretched for nearly 10 hours.
The gunmen, he recalled, stormed the community around 2 p.m. Instead of carrying out a swift raid, they remained until midnight, moving from house to house almost unchallenged.
“They searched virtually every home, stole our valuables and mobile phones, assaulted women and killed three people, including our Chief Imam,” he recounted.
“We are in a state of confusion and distress. Some of us are still searching for our family members because the village has been completely devastated.”
His testimony echoes those of other survivors, who described attackers roaming freely from one village to another with little or no resistance.
The prolonged assault has renewed questions about security response times and the level of protection available to isolated rural communities increasingly vulnerable to armed groups.
As news of the attacks spread, anger boiled over in Bodinga town.
Hundreds of residents poured onto the Sokoto–Jega–Yauri highway, one of the Northwest’s busiest transport corridors, blocking traffic in protest against the worsening insecurity.
Burning tyres sent thick smoke into the air as stranded motorists watched traffic grind to a halt. Some vehicles were vandalised before security operatives dispersed the protesters and restored order.
For the demonstrators, the road blockade was not merely an act of defiance. It was a desperate plea for communities they believe have been abandoned to repeated attacks.
The assault on Danchadi is only the latest in a disturbing pattern of violence across Sokoto State.
In recent weeks alone, communities in Tureta, Sabon Birni, Rabah, Goronyo, Wurno and Bodinga have recorded killings, kidnappings and large-scale cattle rustling. Village heads, Islamic clerics, farmers and community guards have all fallen victim.
The recurring attacks suggest that despite ongoing military operations, armed groups remain capable of mounting coordinated raids across multiple local government areas.
Security analysts say the Northwest’s vast forests, difficult terrain and porous borders continue to provide criminal gangs with operational advantages.
The Danchadi district head believes the attackers entered through neighbouring Tureta after crossing from Zamfara State, underscoring the cross-border nature of the security challenge.
For the survivors, however, the crisis is no longer measured in security assessments but in daily survival.
Hundreds of displaced residents are now sheltering in schools, markets and the homes of relatives in Danchadi, Bodinga and Sifawa.
Many fled without food, clothing or personal belongings. Children have been forced out of school. Families remain separated, while women who survived the attacks continue to grapple with psychological trauma.
Although the Bodinga Local Government Council has distributed relief materials, including plastic mats, community leaders say the assistance falls far short of what is needed.
Food, medicines, temporary shelter and psychosocial support remain urgent priorities. Without sustained intervention, they warn, what began as an emergency displacement could evolve into a prolonged humanitarian crisis.
The scale of the tragedy has also drawn increasing political attention.
In the days following the attacks, senior government officials—including the Speaker of the Sokoto State House of Assembly, the Secretary to the State Government, security chiefs and federal lawmakers representing the area—visited Bodinga to assess the situation and reassure displaced residents.
The lawmaker representing Bodinga, Dange-Shuni and Tureta Federal Constituency, Nasiru Shehu Bobo, said additional security personnel had been deployed to the affected communities in an effort to restore calm.
But for many displaced residents, the deployment comes after the damage has already been done.
The scale of the attacks has also drawn political attention.
The governorship candidate of the African Democratic Congress in Sokoto State, Hon. Manir Muhammad Dan’iya, described the displacement of more than 30 communities as both a humanitarian and security emergency, urging governments at all levels to respond with greater urgency.
In a statement issued by his media aide, Aminu Abdullahi, the former deputy governor warned that the continued displacement of rural communities poses a serious threat to Sokoto’s economy, food security and social stability.
“It is deeply troubling that entire communities are being displaced while many families continue to live in fear,” Dan’iya said.
“The protection of lives and property remains the foremost constitutional responsibility of government, and every effort must be made to restore confidence among our people.”
He called for stronger intelligence gathering, closer collaboration among security agencies, increased engagement with traditional rulers and immediate humanitarian support for displaced families, while urging the Federal Government and the Sokoto State Government to reinforce security operations in vulnerable communities.
Yet even as officials announce new security measures, some residents have already begun making the painful journey back to their villages.
It is a decision born not of confidence, but of necessity.
Displacement is costly. Families cannot afford to remain indefinitely in schools, markets or the homes of relatives. The rainy season is advancing, crops need tending and survival depends on returning, even when fear remains.
But home is no longer what they left behind.
Many houses have been looted. Livestock—the wealth of entire households—has disappeared. Farms lie abandoned, and the uncertainty of another attack hangs over communities struggling to rebuild.
For these families, recovery will require far more than relief materials. It will depend on lasting security, the restoration of livelihoods and renewed confidence that the villages they fled can once again become places where life is possible.
Official records reduce the tragedy to numbers: more than 30 villages abandoned, eight people killed and over 1,000 livestock rustled.
But statistics cannot capture what has truly been lost.
Every deserted village tells the story of generations uprooted. Every displaced family carries memories of a home left behind. Every stolen herd represents years of labour wiped away in a single day.
The tragedy unfolding in Danchadi is a reminder that the cost of banditry extends far beyond casualty figures. It empties communities, destroys local economies and leaves deep psychological scars that may outlast the violence itself.
For Sokoto, the challenge is no longer only how to stop the next attack. It is how to ensure that communities emptied by fear do not become permanent ghost villages—forgotten not only by those forced to flee, but by the institutions charged with protecting them.
General News
Residents Laud Tinubu as Presidential Team Inspect Bridges, Roads and Water Projects in Benue
By Felix Umande
Residents of Benue State have commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration for expanding connectivity through strategic road, bridge and water projects, as the Presidential Media Team and Renewed Hope Ambassadors concluded a two-day inspection of key infrastructure across the state on Thursday.
The delegation, comprising over 40 editors and journalists, was led by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga. The National Media Tour is designed to independently assess and document the implementation and impact of Federal and State government projects under the Renewed Hope Agenda.
The team inspected the ongoing 1,754-metre Buruku-Logo Bridge, the Wurukum Overhead Bridge in Makurdi, and the 22-kilometre Makurdi-Gboko Road, which forms part of Phase II of the Abuja-Keffi-Akwanga-Lafia-Makurdi Expressway. The expressway corridor links North Central Nigeria with the South-East and is scheduled for completion by December 2027.
Other projects visited included the ongoing 25.6-kilometre Captain Dawn’s Road from Lubona Junction to the Tor Tiv Palace, the Food Basket Brewery Limited in Makurdi, and the Federal Government-funded rehabilitation of the Buruku-Gboko Water Treatment Plant at Ameladu Headworks.
Completed state projects inspected were the High-Level Roundabout Interchange in Makurdi and the Gboko Underpass and Interchange.
Speaking during the inspection of the Buruku-Logo Bridge, Onanuga said the bridge is one of five Federal Government bridges currently under construction in Benue State and reflects the administration’s commitment to investing borrowed funds in productive infrastructure.
“This bridge in particular is the fifth bridge the Federal Government is building in Benue State. You can now see where the money is going. It is to develop infrastructure, to link people who have been forgotten before, to make sure that at least commerce flows freely,” he said.
According to him, the bridge will reconnect previously isolated communities, reduce travel time, improve market access for farmers, and strengthen economic integration across Benue, Taraba and Adamawa states.
“Farmers can get their products straight to the market, they can shorten the travel time between one community and the other, especially between the rural areas and the capital,” Onanuga added.
He assured that the projects are being financed through the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund and that funding remains adequate for timely completion.
The Buruku-Logo Bridge, which spans the River Benue, is expected to boost agriculture, commerce and regional integration. The contractor confirmed that more than 50 workers from the host community have been employed on the project.
Residents described the bridge as a life-saving intervention that would end years of dangerous river crossings and boat accidents during the rainy season. They also said it would create more employment opportunities for local youths.
Many pledged continued support for the Renewed Hope Agenda, saying the visible impact of ongoing projects had renewed public confidence in the Federal Government.
Benue State Deputy Governor, Dr. Samuel Ode, expressed gratitude for the Federal Government’s investments and said the people would strongly support President Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.
He described the Wurukum Overhead Bridge as a critical intervention on the Abuja-Lafia-Makurdi-Enugu corridor, noting that the junction had for years suffered severe traffic congestion, especially during festive periods.
“Actually, this road serves as the gateway between the north of the country and the south. Before now we used to have a heavy gridlock here especially during festivities, so the governor of Benue State approached Mr. President for us to have an overhead bridge here,” Dr. Ode said.
“The President in his magnanimity, graciously approved the construction of this overhead bridge. So work has commenced, moving at a very high speed and the people of Benue are happy because we used to experience quite a lot of difficulties at this point.”
General News
“It’s Becoming Too Much”: 2Baba Condemns Benue Killings, Calls For Collective Action to End Violence
Legendary Nigerian singer, Innocent Idibia, popularly known as 2Baba, has broken his silence on the wave of killings in Benue State, describing the attacks on communities in Otukpo Local Government Area as unacceptable and unbearable.
The Benue-born artiste made the remarks on Wednesday during a visit to Otukpo-Nobi, one of the communities hit by suspected armed herdsmen.
The visit came weeks after gunmen launched a deadly attack on the community on July 12, 2026, killing at least 10 residents and leaving several others injured.
Addressing members of the community, 2Baba sympathized with victims and their families, and urged stakeholders to unite in finding lasting solutions to the persistent attacks.
Lamenting the continued bloodshed, the music icon said the situation had gone on for too long and must no longer be ignored.
“It’s becoming too much now, we can’t pretend anymore. We need to begin planning. It won’t be automatic but there is definitely going to be a solution,” he said.
The singer stressed that ending the violence would require a collective effort from government, community leaders and citizens.
“It’s not going to be one person, we all need to come together and fight it. I came to sympathize with you all. It’s painful,” he added.
2Baba’s visit has drawn widespread reactions on social media, with many residents commending the singer for using his platform to amplify the plight of Benue communities affected by insecurity.
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