General News
Collaborative Journalism and Building Community Resilience Against Crimr
Distinguished colleagues,
We are gathered at a time when the meaning of safety in Nigeria especially in the North Central region here, has become deeply uncertain. In our communities across Benue State, insecurity is no longer discussed as a possibility; it is a lived daily reality. It is experienced on farms that can no longer be accessed, on roads that can no longer be trusted and in homes that no longer guarantee protection.
In recent years, Benue State has witnessed repeated violent attacks on rural communities, especially in Guma, Kwande, Agatu, Ukum, Logo and Gwer West Local Government Areas (Reuters, 2026; Premium Times, 2024). These attacks have resulted in loss of lives, destruction of property and mass displacement of residents into internally displaced persons (IDP) camps. The pattern remains consistent as armed groups enter communities, often at night, carry out coordinated assaults and withdraw with little immediate resistance. Survivors recount not just the violence itself, but the absence of timely intervention.
The insecurity is not confined to rural settlements. Major roads have become increasingly dangerous. The Makurdi–Otukpo road has been the site of repeated incidents of abduction (Daily Trust, 2024). In April 2024, reports confirmed that passengers traveling along this axis were attacked by gunmen, with several passengers taken away. Similar incidents have continued to occur on that route up to April this year with the abduction of a Benue Links bus passengers by gunmen on the 15th April 2026. Such incidents are not isolated, they form part of a recurring pattern that has altered how people move, trade and even seek education.
Beyond Benue, similar realities unfold across the North Central zone. In Plateau State, particularly in Bokkos and Mangu Local Government Areas, attacks on communities have led to significant casualties and displacement (Al Jazeera, 2024; Premium Times, 2024). These incidents have drawn national attention, not only because of their scale, but because of their persistence. Each episode is reported, condemned and then followed by another.
Across these spaces, one thing is clear, that insecurity has become organized, repetitive and deeply embedded within the social fabric. Yet, the responses to it especially in the information space remain largely fragmented.
Journalism, by its very nature, is expected to serve as the conscience of society. It documents, it questions and it informs. In Nigeria, journalists have consistently reported these barbaric incidents naming places, counting losses and relaying official responses. But the dominant pattern of reporting has remained largely reactive. An attack occurs, it is reported and attention shifts until the next incident. What is missing is not effort, it is structure. It is coordination. It is the deliberate pooling of journalistic capacity to move from isolated reporting to collective impact.
The scale and complexity of insecurity today cannot be effectively addressed by individual journalists or single newsrooms working in isolation. The networks behind these crimes are organized. The responses to them must be equally organized. This is where the idea of collaborative journalism becomes critical. Not as a theory, but as a practical necessity. This paper explores how collaborative journalism can be strengthened as a tool for building community resilience against crime.
Patterns of Journalism Practice in Security Reporting in Nigeria
For decades, journalism in Nigeria has stood at the frontline of national crises, including conflict, insurgency and communal violence. In the face of insecurity across Benue State and the wider North Central region, journalists have not been absent. Reports have been filed, headlines have been written and voices have been amplified. Yet, despite this visible presence, the structure and impact of security reporting reveal clear limitations that must be confronted honestly.
The dominant tradition has been incident-driven reporting. When attacks occur, whether in Guma, Kwande, Agatu, Ukum, Logo, or Gwer West, journalists arrive, gather accounts and publish details of casualties, destruction and official reactions.
These reports serve an important purpose as they inform the public and preserve records of events. However, they often exist in isolation. One attack is reported, then another, with little sustained effort to connect these events into a broader, investigative narrative. As a result, patterns of violence remain underexplored and systemic issues are rarely exposed with the depth they require.
There is fragmentation of media efforts. News organizations operate largely within their own institutional boundaries, competing for exclusives and breaking news. While competition can drive speed and visibility, it has also limited cooperation. In practical terms, multiple journalists may cover the same attack in Makurdi, yet no structured collaboration exists to jointly investigate recurring incidents along the Makurdi–Otukpo axis, despite the frequency of reported abductions along that route. The absence of shared databases, coordinated fieldwork, or pooled investigative resources has meant that journalism often mirrors the fragmentation seen in the broader national response to insecurity.
Another defining feature has been the heavy reliance on official sources. Security agencies such as the police, military and government spokespersons remain primary sources of information, especially in the immediate aftermath of attacks. While these sources are necessary, over-dependence on them has shaped the tone and depth of reporting. Journalists frequently relay official statements that may confirm incidents but offer limited insight into underlying causes, operational failures, or long-term implications. In many cases, there is little follow-up questioning and even less sustained investigation into discrepancies between official accounts and community testimonies.
There is also the challenge of limited field penetration. In high-risk areas, including remote communities in Benue State, access is often restricted by insecurity itself. Journalists face real dangers such as ambushes, kidnappings and lack of protective infrastructure. As a result, many reports are built from second-hand accounts rather than prolonged, on-the-ground engagement. This affects not only the depth of reporting but also the ability to capture the lived realities of affected populations in a consistent and human-centered manner.
Journalism in this space has largely remained reactive rather than preventive. Coverage begins after violence has occurred.
There are few structured mechanisms for early warning reporting, risk mapping, or proactive engagement with communities to identify emerging threats. This reactive posture limits the ability of journalism to contribute meaningfully to prevention or resilience-building and these patterns reveal a system that is active but not fully effective. Nigerian journalism has documented insecurity extensively, but it has not yet maximized its collective strength. The challenge, therefore, is not the absence of journalism, but the absence of coordination, continuity and collaboration.
Notable Emerging Forms of Collaboration and Their Limitations.
Despite the structural limitations already identified, it would be inaccurate to suggest that collaboration is entirely absent within journalism in the landscape of Nigeria. In reality, forms of collaboration do exist, but they are often informal, inconsistent and insufficiently institutionalized to match the scale of insecurity confronting communities in Benue State and across the North Central region.
One of the most visible forms of collaboration is found in informal information-sharing networks among journalists. In most cases, reporters frequently rely on WhatsApp groups and professional contacts to exchange leads, confirm incidents and circulate breaking developments. When attacks occur, whether in rural parts of Gwer West or along major routes, information often spreads first through these peer networks before formal publication. This has improved the speed of reporting and, in some cases, helped to verify basic facts in fast-moving situations.
However, this form of collaboration remains limited to immediacy, not depth. It facilitates reporting, but it does not extend into joint investigation, shared analysis, or coordinated follow-up. Once stories are published, the collaboration typically ends.
There are also instances of engagement between journalists and security agencies, particularly through press briefings and official updates. Police commands, military spokespersons and state authorities periodically provide information on attacks, arrests, or rescue operations. In Benue State, for example, security agencies have, at different times, issued statements following attacks in local communities, outlining their responses and ongoing operations.
While these interactions are important, they are largely one-directional. Information flows from security agencies to journalists, with limited opportunity for deeper collaboration.
Journalists are informed, but not integrated into any structured system of intelligence sharing, early warning, or joint problem-solving. As a result, reporting remains reactive to official disclosures rather than contributing to proactive security awareness.
Another emerging area is collaborative investigative journalism at the national level, particularly among major media organizations and independent investigative platforms. There have been notable instances where journalists have worked together across institutions to expose corruption, financial crimes and governance failures. These efforts demonstrate that collaboration is possible and effective when properly structured.
Yet, this model has not been fully extended to security reporting at the subnational level, especially in states like Benue. Investigations into recurring attacks, patterns of displacement, or the operational structures of armed groups remain largely fragmented and underdeveloped. The absence of sustained, multi-newsroom investigations into insecurity leaves critical gaps in public understanding.
Engagement between journalists and communities also exists, though often in unstructured forms. Reporters depend on local sources such as community leaders, residents and eyewitnesses to gather information from affected areas. In many cases, these relationships are built on trust and are essential for accessing locations that are otherwise difficult to reach. However, these interactions are typically transactional rather than strategic. Information is gathered for immediate reporting, but there is little effort to develop long-term community–journalist partnerships that could support early warning systems, continuous monitoring, or collaborative storytelling.
Communities remain sources of information, but not active participants in shaping the narrative or response.
In terms of safety, journalists operating in high-risk environments often rely on personal experience and informal support systems. There is some level of peer guidance, advice on which routes to avoid, which areas are volatile and how to navigate certain situations. But there is no widely adopted, structured framework for shared safety resources, coordinated field coverage, or emergency response mechanisms for journalists working in dangerous zones.
These realities put together, point to the presence of foundations of collaborative journalism, but they are weakly developed and largely informal. There is communication, but not coordination. There is interaction, but not integration. There is effort, but not structure.
The implication is that, what exists today cannot adequately respond to a security crisis that is itself organized, persistent and evolving. To move forward, collaboration must shift from being incidental to being intentional, structured and sustained.
Reimagining Collaborative Journalism for Security and Resilience.
If the current moment has exposed anything with clarity, then, it is that insecurity in Nigeria has evolved, but journalism has not equally evolved at the same pace. The threats are coordinated. The responses must be coordinated. Anything less will continue to produce the same cycle of attack, report, forget and repeat.
What is required now is not a minor adjustment in practice, but a deliberate rethinking of how journalism operates in times of crisis.
First, collaboration must move from the margins to the center of journalistic practice. It must no longer depend on personal relationships or informal communication channels. There is a need for structured collaboration across newsrooms, where journalists deliberately work together to investigate recurring patterns of violence. When attacks continue along corridors such as recurring abduction of travelers on the Makurdi–Otukpo road, the story should not end with individual reports of each incident. It should trigger joint investigations that ask deeper questions: Why does this keep happening here? Who benefits from the persistence of these attacks? What gaps in response remain unaddressed?
Second, the relationship between journalists and security agencies must be redefined, not abandoned. Independence must be preserved, but isolation must end. There is room for structured engagement that allows journalists access to timely and relevant information, while still maintaining the critical distance required for accountability. Security cannot be treated as a closed system and journalism cannot operate effectively in the dark.
Third, communities must no longer be treated simply as sources of information. They must become partners in the process of reporting and resilience-building. The people who live in Guma, Logo and Gwer West understand the patterns of these attacks better than anyone else. Their knowledge is not incidental, it is essential. Building sustained relationships with such communities can transform journalism from a tool of documentation into a tool of early warning and prevention.
Fourth, journalism must embrace shared responsibility for safety. The risks faced by reporters in conflict-prone areas are real and increasing. No journalist should be left to navigate these dangers alone. There is a clear need for pooled safety resources, coordinated field strategies and collective support systems that protect those who bring these stories to light.
Finally and most importantly, there is a need for a coordinated national response within the journalism profession itself. The Nigerian Union of Journalists is uniquely positioned to lead this shift. What is required is a framework that brings journalists together during moments of crisis not as competing voices, but as a unified force for truth, accountability and public interest. When the nation faces insecurity, the media must not sound fragmented. It must speak with clarity, consistency and purpose.
Conclusion
The realities confronting Benue State and the wider North Central region are not abstract. They are lived daily in interrupted journeys, in abandoned homes and in communities that continue to endure repeated violence. Journalism has documented these realities, but documentation alone is no longer enough.
This is a call to journalists, editors, media owners and the Nigerian Union of Journalists as we are seated here today, to move beyond routine reporting, to build structures that outlive individual efforts, and to commit to a model of journalism that is as organized as the challenges it seeks to confront. If insecurity has become systemic, then journalism must become strategic. And the time to begin is now.
Presented by Dr. Hangeior Degarr,
Department of Journalism and Media Studies,
Moses Orshio Adasu University, Makurdi on Thursday, 30th April, 2026 during the Benue NUJ’s Dinner, Awards and Lecture Ceremony at NUJ House, Makurdi.
Animashaun Salman traveled into the heart of Danchadi District in Sokoto State to document the stories behind the statistics, revealing how banditry is not only claiming lives but emptying entire communities and turning once-thriving villages into ghost settlements in the state.
More than 30 villages have fallen silent.
Where children once played, markets bustled and farmers prepared for another planting season, empty homes now stand as grim reminders of lives interrupted. Across Danchadi District in Bodinga Local Government Area of Sokoto State, over 30 villages have been deserted after coordinated bandit attacks forced thousands of residents to flee, leaving behind generations of memories, livelihoods and hope.
For many families, the journey to safety began with nothing more than the clothes on their backs. Homes were abandoned, livestock—their life savings—were rustled, farms were left untended, and loved ones became separated in the chaos. Some survivors are still searching for missing relatives, while others are returning to communities stripped bare, not because they feel safe, but because they have nowhere else to go.
Homes that once echoed with children’s laughter now stand deserted. Farms lie untended at the height of the rainy season, while thousands of residents have fled with little more than the clothes on their backs after heavily armed bandits launched coordinated attacks on Danchadi District in Bodinga Local Government Area of Sokoto State.
The raids left at least eight people dead, more than 1,000 livestock stolen and entire communities emptied, triggering one of Sokoto’s worst episodes of mass displacement this year.
Beyond the casualty figures lies a far deeper tragedy. The attacks have shattered farming communities, wiped out livelihoods built over generations and exposed the fragile security architecture protecting many rural settlements across northwestern Nigeria.
For residents of Danchadi, the devastation cannot be measured by the death toll alone. It is written in abandoned homes, deserted villages and families scattered across neighbouring communities in search of safety.
The latest assault ranks among the largest incidents of mass displacement recorded in Sokoto this year, highlighting the growing reach of armed groups into communities that had until recently escaped the worst of the region’s violence.
The District Head of Danchadi, Alhaji Lirwanu Mafaran, Kuwarun Sarkin Musulmi, who documented the attacks in an official report submitted to the Bodinga Local Government Council and security agencies, described the assault as unprecedented.
Speaking after further investigations, the traditional ruler said the death toll had risen from six to eight, adding that many residents were still missing while hundreds had fled to neighbouring communities.
“My people are living in fear and confusion. Some women are still searching for their husbands after the attacks,” he said.
His words capture a district battling not only insecurity but the profound humanitarian crisis left in its wake.
The attacks affected more than 30 communities, including Gidan Gadanga, Gidan Dan Bube, Dutsin Mai Gunya, Batsauje, Sire Modi, Gwantsi, Kore Maiganga, Bangi Rafi, Bangi Dutsin, Yabawa, Lageji, Bille, Gonin Gari, Wumumu, Chohi, Saran Malan, Wure Yal’dde, Gidan Hodi, Dabugi, Rukusawa, Tunga, Lakes, Maikataru, Dutsin Toka, Karaje, Kwantsi Buga, Yan Gidaje, Runbuki, Kwantsi Tunga and Lau Gari.
Today, many of these settlements are ghost villages.
Residents fled in panic, abandoning homes, harvested food, household belongings and livestock that represented decades of hard work and family wealth.
The economic toll is staggering.
In rural Sokoto, livestock are far more than animals. They are savings accounts, farm machinery, school fees, dowries and the family’s insurance against hardship.
The rustling of more than 1,000 cattle, camels and other livestock has wiped out the wealth of dozens of households almost overnight, pushing many families into uncertainty.
The violence has also disrupted farming at one of the most critical periods of the agricultural calendar, raising fears that the attacks could deepen food insecurity and further weaken the rural economy long after the gunmen have gone.
Perhaps the most troubling revelation from the district head was not what happened during the attacks, but what happened afterwards.
According to him, security operatives visited the affected communities shortly after the raids but did not maintain a permanent presence, leaving frightened residents to fend for themselves.
“As I am speaking with you, there are no security personnel in the area,” he said.
For many villagers, that single statement explains why returning home remains a terrifying prospect. Across rural Sokoto, residents have long complained that attacks often last for hours before security forces arrive, if they arrive at all.
Determined to prevent a complete exodus, the district head said he spent the night at his palace with displaced residents, comforting frightened families and persuading them not to abandon the district for Sokoto metropolis.
His intervention, he said, convinced some to stay. But for many others, fear had already taken root.
‘They stayed until midnight’
For Malam Mainasara Danjumma, a resident of Kyaluje village, the nightmare stretched for nearly 10 hours.
The gunmen, he recalled, stormed the community around 2 p.m. Instead of carrying out a swift raid, they remained until midnight, moving from house to house almost unchallenged.
“They searched virtually every home, stole our valuables and mobile phones, assaulted women and killed three people, including our Chief Imam,” he recounted.
“We are in a state of confusion and distress. Some of us are still searching for our family members because the village has been completely devastated.”
His testimony echoes those of other survivors, who described attackers roaming freely from one village to another with little or no resistance.
The prolonged assault has renewed questions about security response times and the level of protection available to isolated rural communities increasingly vulnerable to armed groups.
As news of the attacks spread, anger boiled over in Bodinga town.
Hundreds of residents poured onto the Sokoto–Jega–Yauri highway, one of the Northwest’s busiest transport corridors, blocking traffic in protest against the worsening insecurity.
Burning tyres sent thick smoke into the air as stranded motorists watched traffic grind to a halt. Some vehicles were vandalised before security operatives dispersed the protesters and restored order.
For the demonstrators, the road blockade was not merely an act of defiance. It was a desperate plea for communities they believe have been abandoned to repeated attacks.
The assault on Danchadi is only the latest in a disturbing pattern of violence across Sokoto State.
In recent weeks alone, communities in Tureta, Sabon Birni, Rabah, Goronyo, Wurno and Bodinga have recorded killings, kidnappings and large-scale cattle rustling. Village heads, Islamic clerics, farmers and community guards have all fallen victim.
The recurring attacks suggest that despite ongoing military operations, armed groups remain capable of mounting coordinated raids across multiple local government areas.
Security analysts say the Northwest’s vast forests, difficult terrain and porous borders continue to provide criminal gangs with operational advantages.
The Danchadi district head believes the attackers entered through neighbouring Tureta after crossing from Zamfara State, underscoring the cross-border nature of the security challenge.
For the survivors, however, the crisis is no longer measured in security assessments but in daily survival.
Hundreds of displaced residents are now sheltering in schools, markets and the homes of relatives in Danchadi, Bodinga and Sifawa.
Many fled without food, clothing or personal belongings. Children have been forced out of school. Families remain separated, while women who survived the attacks continue to grapple with psychological trauma.
Although the Bodinga Local Government Council has distributed relief materials, including plastic mats, community leaders say the assistance falls far short of what is needed.
Food, medicines, temporary shelter and psychosocial support remain urgent priorities. Without sustained intervention, they warn, what began as an emergency displacement could evolve into a prolonged humanitarian crisis.
The scale of the tragedy has also drawn increasing political attention.
In the days following the attacks, senior government officials—including the Speaker of the Sokoto State House of Assembly, the Secretary to the State Government, security chiefs and federal lawmakers representing the area—visited Bodinga to assess the situation and reassure displaced residents.
The lawmaker representing Bodinga, Dange-Shuni and Tureta Federal Constituency, Nasiru Shehu Bobo, said additional security personnel had been deployed to the affected communities in an effort to restore calm.
But for many displaced residents, the deployment comes after the damage has already been done.
The scale of the attacks has also drawn political attention.
The governorship candidate of the African Democratic Congress in Sokoto State, Hon. Manir Muhammad Dan’iya, described the displacement of more than 30 communities as both a humanitarian and security emergency, urging governments at all levels to respond with greater urgency.
In a statement issued by his media aide, Aminu Abdullahi, the former deputy governor warned that the continued displacement of rural communities poses a serious threat to Sokoto’s economy, food security and social stability.
“It is deeply troubling that entire communities are being displaced while many families continue to live in fear,” Dan’iya said.
“The protection of lives and property remains the foremost constitutional responsibility of government, and every effort must be made to restore confidence among our people.”
He called for stronger intelligence gathering, closer collaboration among security agencies, increased engagement with traditional rulers and immediate humanitarian support for displaced families, while urging the Federal Government and the Sokoto State Government to reinforce security operations in vulnerable communities.
Yet even as officials announce new security measures, some residents have already begun making the painful journey back to their villages.
It is a decision born not of confidence, but of necessity.
Displacement is costly. Families cannot afford to remain indefinitely in schools, markets or the homes of relatives. The rainy season is advancing, crops need tending and survival depends on returning, even when fear remains.
But home is no longer what they left behind.
Many houses have been looted. Livestock—the wealth of entire households—has disappeared. Farms lie abandoned, and the uncertainty of another attack hangs over communities struggling to rebuild.
For these families, recovery will require far more than relief materials. It will depend on lasting security, the restoration of livelihoods and renewed confidence that the villages they fled can once again become places where life is possible.
Official records reduce the tragedy to numbers: more than 30 villages abandoned, eight people killed and over 1,000 livestock rustled.
But statistics cannot capture what has truly been lost.
Every deserted village tells the story of generations uprooted. Every displaced family carries memories of a home left behind. Every stolen herd represents years of labour wiped away in a single day.
The tragedy unfolding in Danchadi is a reminder that the cost of banditry extends far beyond casualty figures. It empties communities, destroys local economies and leaves deep psychological scars that may outlast the violence itself.
For Sokoto, the challenge is no longer only how to stop the next attack. It is how to ensure that communities emptied by fear do not become permanent ghost villages—forgotten not only by those forced to flee, but by the institutions charged with protecting them.
General News
Residents Laud Tinubu as Presidential Team Inspect Bridges, Roads and Water Projects in Benue
By Felix Umande
Residents of Benue State have commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration for expanding connectivity through strategic road, bridge and water projects, as the Presidential Media Team and Renewed Hope Ambassadors concluded a two-day inspection of key infrastructure across the state on Thursday.
The delegation, comprising over 40 editors and journalists, was led by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga. The National Media Tour is designed to independently assess and document the implementation and impact of Federal and State government projects under the Renewed Hope Agenda.
The team inspected the ongoing 1,754-metre Buruku-Logo Bridge, the Wurukum Overhead Bridge in Makurdi, and the 22-kilometre Makurdi-Gboko Road, which forms part of Phase II of the Abuja-Keffi-Akwanga-Lafia-Makurdi Expressway. The expressway corridor links North Central Nigeria with the South-East and is scheduled for completion by December 2027.
Other projects visited included the ongoing 25.6-kilometre Captain Dawn’s Road from Lubona Junction to the Tor Tiv Palace, the Food Basket Brewery Limited in Makurdi, and the Federal Government-funded rehabilitation of the Buruku-Gboko Water Treatment Plant at Ameladu Headworks.
Completed state projects inspected were the High-Level Roundabout Interchange in Makurdi and the Gboko Underpass and Interchange.
Speaking during the inspection of the Buruku-Logo Bridge, Onanuga said the bridge is one of five Federal Government bridges currently under construction in Benue State and reflects the administration’s commitment to investing borrowed funds in productive infrastructure.
“This bridge in particular is the fifth bridge the Federal Government is building in Benue State. You can now see where the money is going. It is to develop infrastructure, to link people who have been forgotten before, to make sure that at least commerce flows freely,” he said.
According to him, the bridge will reconnect previously isolated communities, reduce travel time, improve market access for farmers, and strengthen economic integration across Benue, Taraba and Adamawa states.
“Farmers can get their products straight to the market, they can shorten the travel time between one community and the other, especially between the rural areas and the capital,” Onanuga added.
He assured that the projects are being financed through the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund and that funding remains adequate for timely completion.
The Buruku-Logo Bridge, which spans the River Benue, is expected to boost agriculture, commerce and regional integration. The contractor confirmed that more than 50 workers from the host community have been employed on the project.
Residents described the bridge as a life-saving intervention that would end years of dangerous river crossings and boat accidents during the rainy season. They also said it would create more employment opportunities for local youths.
Many pledged continued support for the Renewed Hope Agenda, saying the visible impact of ongoing projects had renewed public confidence in the Federal Government.
Benue State Deputy Governor, Dr. Samuel Ode, expressed gratitude for the Federal Government’s investments and said the people would strongly support President Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.
He described the Wurukum Overhead Bridge as a critical intervention on the Abuja-Lafia-Makurdi-Enugu corridor, noting that the junction had for years suffered severe traffic congestion, especially during festive periods.
“Actually, this road serves as the gateway between the north of the country and the south. Before now we used to have a heavy gridlock here especially during festivities, so the governor of Benue State approached Mr. President for us to have an overhead bridge here,” Dr. Ode said.
“The President in his magnanimity, graciously approved the construction of this overhead bridge. So work has commenced, moving at a very high speed and the people of Benue are happy because we used to experience quite a lot of difficulties at this point.”
General News
“It’s Becoming Too Much”: 2Baba Condemns Benue Killings, Calls For Collective Action to End Violence
Legendary Nigerian singer, Innocent Idibia, popularly known as 2Baba, has broken his silence on the wave of killings in Benue State, describing the attacks on communities in Otukpo Local Government Area as unacceptable and unbearable.
The Benue-born artiste made the remarks on Wednesday during a visit to Otukpo-Nobi, one of the communities hit by suspected armed herdsmen.
The visit came weeks after gunmen launched a deadly attack on the community on July 12, 2026, killing at least 10 residents and leaving several others injured.
Addressing members of the community, 2Baba sympathized with victims and their families, and urged stakeholders to unite in finding lasting solutions to the persistent attacks.
Lamenting the continued bloodshed, the music icon said the situation had gone on for too long and must no longer be ignored.
“It’s becoming too much now, we can’t pretend anymore. We need to begin planning. It won’t be automatic but there is definitely going to be a solution,” he said.
The singer stressed that ending the violence would require a collective effort from government, community leaders and citizens.
“It’s not going to be one person, we all need to come together and fight it. I came to sympathize with you all. It’s painful,” he added.
2Baba’s visit has drawn widespread reactions on social media, with many residents commending the singer for using his platform to amplify the plight of Benue communities affected by insecurity.
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