FGN cannot continue to remain a distant observer to the continuing marginalisation of the Tiv people and other minorities.
— Alex Adum, PhD
Press Icon Benue State Correspondent, Felix Umande, recently engaged Barr. Alex Ter Adum, PhD who served as Commissioner for Commerce in 2011 and later Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice under the Governor Gabriel Suswam’s administration in Benue state in an interview. He is now a member of the ADC.
Excerpts:
On the Senate-Passed Electoral Bill
The amendment is being marketed as reform, but in substance, it preserves the very ambiguity that has undermined electoral credibility in Nigeria. The Supreme Court’s interpretation in Atiku Abubakar v INEC (2023) already weakened the binding force of electronic transmission under the Electoral Act 2022. Instead of curing that defect, the National Assembly has now codified it.
By empowering Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to electronically transmit results but simultaneously permitting manual backup in cases of “network failure,” the law creates a loophole wide enough to drive electoral malpractice through. In a country where network coverage gaps are predictable and sometimes conveniently invoked, this fallback clause becomes a strategic escape hatch

If the Federal Government under the All Progressives Congress truly desires electoral integrity, it must legislate certainty not discretion. Electronic transmission should be mandatory, with technological redundancy such as satellite backup and real-time public viewing portals.
Democracy cannot be built on conditional transparency.

On the Makurdi High Court Ruling Against Governor Alia’s Public Order

The decision of the High Court of Benue State is not merely a legal correction; it is a constitutional reminder. Governor Hyacinth Alia’s directive, which effectively restricted freedom of movement and assembly, reflected a troubling overreach of executive authority.

Section 41 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of movement. Section 40 guarantees freedom of association. These are not privileges granted at the discretion of a governor; they are entrenched rights. When executive orders encroach on these liberties without legislative backing or clear emergency justification, the courts must intervene, and rightly so.

Governance must never descend into personalized rule. The symbolism of that judgment is profound: Benue State remains governed by law, not by decree.

On the Marginalization of Tiv Communities in Taraba and Nasarawa

The plight of Tiv communities in Taraba State and Nasarawa State is a longstanding structural issue that requires a multi-layered response.

First, there must be institutional political engagement. Representation in state assemblies, local governments, and federal appointments must reflect demographic realities in these states to reflect inclusion in line with their civic rights under the constitution; a fact which is currently not happening. Mind you, these are citizens who work and pay taxes in these states and contribute to the GDP of the states so to deny them civic and political rights in these states where they are aborigines and have no other place to call home is discrimination, which is against the letters and spirit of section 42(1) of the CFRN 1999.

Secondly, the security architecture of Nigeria and particularly in these states must be neutral and proactive; many Tiv settlements face displacement without adequate federal protection in their ancestral homes in these states. This shouldn’t be so, because as citizens of Nigeria they are constitutionally entitled to a legitimate expectation of protection from both the State and Federal Government of Nigeria because that is the primary responsibility of government under section 14 (2) of the constitution.

Thirdly, there should be coordinated constitutional litigation by the Tiv nation against these atrocities being perpetrated against our people, especially where land rights and political participation are infringed. And in this regard, I want to commend all vocal voices against the marginalisation of the Tiv people in these states and particularly Prof. Zack Gundu, Vice Chancellor University of Mkar, whose stringent and pointed accusations of the Nasarawa State Government’s belligerence over attacks and land grab against indigenous Tiv communities in the State, has pitched him in an ongoing defamation litigation at the FCT High Court where I am happy to be ably led by the Learned Sebastine Hon, SAN amongst several lawyers to appear pro bono in defence of the professor and the Tiv Nation.

So let me seize this opportunity to pointedly tell the Federal Government of Nigeria led by the All Progressives Congress that it cannot continue to remain a distant observer to the continuing marginalisation of the Tiv people and other minorities. Infact protecting minority rights within federating units is a core constitutional responsibility of the Federal Government. Silence or selective intervention only deepens alienation and promotes the feeling of minorities being second class citizens in their own country.

On Corruption, Transparency, and Accountability in Benue

Let me say this: Transparency is not declared; it is demonstrated. When government procurement processes are opaque, when budget performance reports are irregular, and when local governments appear financially subordinated, public suspicion is inevitable.

Secondly, government and the public service as a whole is built on the ethos of due process and the rule of law. Requirements, which must be upheld as sacrosanct because governance is a public trust, which must at all times be managed with trust accountability in mind. You cannot run government as if you were managing your own private estate by violating establishment due process and law with flagrant impunity.

The current administration has yet to convincingly show that fiscal governance in Benue for instance meets the standards of open government. Internally generated revenue data, security votes, and capital project allocations are opaque and are not subjected to public scrutiny.

I say this because in spite of over the 1 trillion naira revenue receipts accrued to the state from FAAC, IGR and other sources, this government’s performance in terms of open, transparent budgeting and delivery of projects leaves a yawning gap between revenue and results. Moreover, consistent revelations of whimsical and capricious procurement over invoicing and outrageous inflation of contracts leaves much to be desired, in terms of whether Benue is not being stupendously short changed; and is getting value for its money in the modestly delivered infrastructure projects. Mind you most of these projects are also being handled by contractors of highly questionable pedigree who are mostly selected not by competitive tender in line with the state public procurement law but behind closed doors with closed contract figures that are determined solely by one man.

As an opposition party, we are seriously alarmed by the collapse of due process in all facets of governance in Benue State under the APC. Opposition is not hostility; it is democratic responsibility. So, we in the African Democratic Congress insist that public funds must be traceable, measurable, and accountable.
Governance cannot thrive on faith alone—it must rest on verifiable transparency.

Can ADC Match the Ruling Party in 2027?

The political terrain is shifting. Nigerians are experiencing economic hardship, currency instability, and persistent insecurity. Incumbency is no longer synonymous with inevitability or invincibility.

The ADC is building quietly but strategically, strengthening grassroots structures, attracting technocrats, and consolidating reform-minded coalitions. Unlike legacy parties driven by patronage networks, ADC’s appeal lies in credibility and policy clarity.

By 2027, the contest will not be between big names; it will be between exhausted governance and renewed alternatives. Momentum is not measured by noise but by organization, and ADC is organizing itself to align with the true aspirations of Nigerians. And 2027 is not even about partisanship per se but between the APC (the oppressors) v Nigerians and the ADC stands with Nigerians and Nigerians will definitely stand with ADC, so we are very sure of victory.

On Claims that Benue is Governed Like a Private Enterprise or Parish House

Perception often mirrors experience and reality. When policy formulation appears centralized within a narrow circle, when dissent is discouraged, and when critical stakeholders feel excluded, governance begins to look insular.
Governor Hyacinth Alia emerged from a clerical background, which commands moral respect. However, democratic administration requires broader consultation beyond any ecclesiastical template. A state is not a congregation; it is a constitutional entity composed of diverse political, social, ethnic, and economic interests.

Leadership must be participatory. Institutions not personalities must define governance. So I ask you, what level of inclusion or multi stakeholder participation in government rather than unilateralism has been promoted in Benue since 29th May 2023? A democratically elected government, presupposes citizens participation not exclusion. The fact one is elected through the sovereign mandate of the people democratically makes it incumbent on him or her to govern democratically, not exclusively because like Abraham Lincoln famously said at the Gattysberg Address – Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people – it is not a government of – One man, by one man and for himself.

On the Defection of Senator Gabriel Suswam

Senator Gabriel Suswam’s political movement underscores the fluidity of Nigeria’s political class. Defections are rarely ideological; they are often strategic recalculations.
However, the electorate is becoming more discerning. Political migration without policy reorientation no longer guarantees electoral advantage.
What Benue people demand is improved security, economic revitalization, infrastructure renewal, and accountable leadership. To what extent H.E, Sen. Suswam’s defection from the PDP to the APC would guarantee that under the extant arrangement I wouldn’t be able to hazard a guess not being a member of the PDP or APC.

Ultimately, however, 2027 will not be decided by elite alignments but by public judgment—both of the Benue State Government and of the Federal Government under the All Progressives Congress.

In the end, I think the central issue across all these questions is institutional integrity. Whether it is electoral reform, executive restraint, minority protection, fiscal accountability, or party competition, aspirations of Nigerians at this time.